Cato: A Tragedy, and Selected Essays

Whig Examiner 5 (October 12, 1710)

1. Correct Latin is “Parere iam scelus non est” (To give birth is no longer a crime). Martial Epigrams 9.5. 2. William Shakespeare, The Tempest, III.2.110 –13. Stephano says “Monster, I will kill this man. His daughter and I will be King and Queen—save our graces!—And Trinculo and thyself shall be viceroys. Dost thou like the plot, Trinculo?” 3. One possessing a freehold estate, earning at least 40 shillings per year, and eligible to vote in county elections. See Freeholder 1. 4. A tax or due. 5. Fundamental political positions of the Tory party. Whig Examiner, No. 5 Thursday, October 12, 1710 Parere jam non scelus est. Martial.1 We live in a nation where at present there is scarce a single head that does not teem with politicks. The whole Island is peopled with Statesmen, and not unlike Trinculo’s Kingdom of Vice-roys.2 Every man has contrived a scheme of government for the benefit of his fellow-subjects, which they may follow and be safe. After this short preface, by which, as an Englishman, I lay in my claim to be a Politician; I shall enter on my discourse. The chief point that has puzzled the freeholders3 ofGreat-Britain, as well as all those that pay scot and lot,4 for about these six months last past, is this, Whether they would rather be governed by a Prince that is obliged by laws to be good and gracious, just and upright, a friend, father, and a defender of his people; or by one who, if he pleases, may drive away or plunder, imprison or kill, without opposition or resistance. This is the true state of the controversy relating to passive-obedience and non-resistance.5 For I must observe, that the whig examiner 5 113 6. No one contradicting. Advocates for this doctrine have stated the case in the softest and most palatable terms that it will bear: And we very well know, that there is great art in moulding a question; and that many a motion will pass with anemine contradicente6 in some words, that would have been as unanimously rejected in others. Passive obedience and nonresistance are of a mild, gentle, and meek-spirited sound: They have respect but to one side of the relation between the sovereign and the subject, and are apt to fill the mind with no other ideas but those of peace, tranquillity, and resignation. To show this doctrine in those black and odious colours that are natural to it, we should consider it with regard to the Prince as well as to the people: The question will then take another turn, and it will not be debated whether resistance may be lawful, or whether we may take up arms against our Prince; but whether the English form of government be a tyranny or a limited monarchy? Whether our Prince be obliged by our constitution to act according to law, or whether he be arbitrary and despotical. It is impossible to state the measures of Obedience, without settling the extent of Power; or to describe the Subject, without defining the King. An arbitrary Prince is in justice and equity the master of a non-resisting people; for where the power is uncircumscribed, the obedience ought to be unlimited. Passive-obedience and nonresistance are the duties ofTurks andIndians, who have no laws above the Will of a Grand Signior or a Mogul. The same power which those Princes enjoy in their respective governments, belongs to the legislative body in our constitution; and that for the same reason; because no body of men is subject to laws, or can be controuled by them, who have the authority of making, altering, or repealing whatever laws they shall think fit. Were our legislature vested in the person of our Prince, he might doubtless wind and turn our constitution at his pleasure; he might shape our government to his fancy. In a word, he might oppress, persecute, or destroy, and no man say to him, what dost thou? If therefore we would rightly consider our form of government, we should discover the proper measures of our duty and obedience; which can never rise too high to our Sovereign, whilst he maintains 114 selected essays us in those rights and liberties we were born to. But to say that we have rights which we ought not to vindicate...