Race and Recruitment: Civil War History Readers, Volume 2

Rebelliousness and Docility in the Negro Slave: A Critique of the Elkins Thesis

rebelliousness and Docility in the Negro Slave A Critique of the Elkins Thesis Eugene D. Genovese Despite the hostile reception given by historians to Stanley m. Elkins’ Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life,1 it has established itself as one of the most influential historical essays of our generation. Although Elkins ranges widely, we may restrict ourselves to his most important contribution, the theory of slave personality, and bypass other questions, such as his dubious theory of uncontrolled capitalism in the South. His psychological model would fit comfortably into other social theories and may, up to a point, be analytically isolated. Elkins asserts that the Sambo stereotype arose only in the united States. He attempts to explain this allegedly unique personality type by constructing a social analysis that contrasts a totalitarian plantation South with a feudal latin America in which church, state, and plantation balanced one another. To relate 1 E 1. Stanley m. Elkins, Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (Chicago, 1959). For a brief critique of the book as a whole see Genovese, “Problems in Nineteenth-Century American History,” Science & Society, XXv (1961). This present paper shall, so far as possible, be limited to questions of method and assumption.Amuch shorterversionwas read to theAssociation for the Study of Negro life and History, baltimore, maryland, oct. 1966, where it was incisively criticized by Professor Willie lee rose of the university of virginia. mrs. rose was also kind enough to read and criticize the first draft of this longer version. i do not know whether or not my revisions will satisfy her, but i am certain that the paper is much better as a result of her efforts. Civil War History, vol. Xiii No. 4 © 1967 by The kent State university Press 2 eugene d. genovese 2. Elkins, Slavery, pp. 115–133 and the literature cited therein. 3. John Harding, et al., “Prejudice and Ethnic relations,” Handbook of Social Psychology, Gardner lindzey (ed.) (Cambridge, 1954), ii, 1021–1062, esp. 1024. ostensible difference in social structure to the formation of slave personality he invokes an analogyto Naziconcentrationcamps todemonstrate the possibilityof mass infantilization and proceeds to apply three theories of personality: (1) the Freudian, which relates the growth of a personality to the existence of a father figure and which accounts for the identification of a tyrannized child with a tyrannical father; (2) Sullivan’s theory of “significant others,” which relates the growth of a personality to its interaction with individuals who hold or seem to hold power over its fortunes; and (3) role theory, which relates the growth of a personality to the number and kinds of roles it can play.2 Elkins assumes that Sambo existed only in the united States and that our task is to explain his unique appearance in the old South. i propose to show, on the contrary, that Sambo existed wherever slavery existed, that he nonetheless could turn into a rebel, and that our main task is to discover the conditions under which the personality pattern could become inverted and a seemingly docile slave could suddenly turn fierce. Elkins asserts that the united States alone produced the Sambo stereotype— “the perpetual child incapable of maturity.” He does not, as so many of his critics insist, equate childishness with docility, although he carelessly gives such an impression. rather, he equates it with dependence and, with a subtlety that seems to elude his detractors, skillfully accounts for most forms of day-to-day resistance. His thesis, as will be shown later, is objectionable not because it fails to account for hostile behavior, but because it proves too much and encompasses more forms of behavior than can usefully be managed under a single rubric. Elkins’assumption that the existence of a stereotype proves the realitybehind itwill notstandcritical examinationeitheraspsychological theoryoras historical fact.As psychological theory, it is at least open to question. John Harding and his collaboratorshavearguedthatstereotypes,undercertainconditions,mayinfactbe without foundation;3 this side of the problem may be left to specialists and need notalterthe main linesof the argument. Historically, Sambowasemerging in the united States at the same time he was emerging in the French colonies. Negroes, if wewould believe the French planters,werechildlike, docile, helplesscreatures up until the very moment they rose and slaughtered the whites. Accordingly, i have a sporting proposition forElkins. letus substitute French Saint-Domingue rebelliousness and docility in the negro slave 3 forthe united States and...