127 Prologue 1. Albert Réville, The Life and Writings of Theodore Parker (London: Simpkin, Marshall, 1865), 116. 2. Charles Emery Stevens, Anthony Burns: A History (Boston: John P. Jewett, 1856). 3. Stanley W. Campbell, The Slave Catchers: Enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law, 1850–1860 (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1968), 81; Jane H. Pease and William H. Pease, The Fugitive Slave Law and Anthony Burns (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1975). 4. Jane H. Pease and William H. Pease, “Confrontation and Abolition in the 1850s,” Journal of American History 58, no. 4 (1972): 923–37, esp. 925–26. 5. Harold Schwartz, “Fugitive Slave Days in Boston,” New England Quarterly 27, no. 2 (1954): 211; Stanley Shapiro, “The Rendition of Anthony Burns,” Journal of Negro History 44, no. 1 (1959): 37. 6. David R. Maginnes, “The Case of the Court House Rioters in the Rendition of the Fugitive Slave Anthony Burns, 1854,” Journal of Negro History 56, no. 1 (1971): 31–42. 7. James Oliver Horton and Lois E. Horton, Black Bostonians: Family Life and Community Struggle in the Antebellum North (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1979), esp. 113–14. In Slavery and the Making of America (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 2005), the Hortons emphasize that “the sight of a fugitive guarded by federal troops being marched to the wharf in Boston, the stronghold of abolition, was proof that the federal government was in the hands of an increasingly aggressive ‘slave power.’ . . . The South’s recovery of Anthony Burns and other fugitives from northern cities raised awareness of many northern whites to the evils of slavery ” (156). Charles Johnson, Patricia Smith, and WGBH Series Research Team, Africans in America: America’s Journey through Slavery (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1998), 401, 403. 8. David Herbert Donald, Charles Sumner (New York: Da Capo, 1996), esp. 260–67; Albert J. Von Frank, The Trials of Anthony Burns: Freedom and Slavery in Emerson’s Boston (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1998), esp. xiii, 322–33. 9. Although both Sumner and Garrison opposed slavery on moral grounds, they expressed their opposition very differently. Sumner embraced politics as a means to bring down the slave power; Garrison advocated disengagement from the American political system and direct confrontation with slavery, which led to his rejection of the Constitution. 10. W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America (New York: Russell and Russell, 1935). 11. William E. Gienapp, “Abolitionism and the Nature of Antebellum Reform,” in Courage and Conscience: Black and White Abolitionists in Boston, ed. Donald M. Jacobs (Indianapolis: Indiana Univ. Press, 1993), 20–46, esp. 42. 12. Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1995), 262–65. e P I L O gu e Notes 128 notes to pages xvii–5 13. Ira Berlin, “Who Freed the Slaves? Emancipation and Its Meaning,” in Union and Emancipation: Essays on Politics and Race in the Civil War, ed. David W. Blight and Brooks D. Simpson (Kent, Ohio: Kent State Univ. Press, 1997), 105–21. 14. David W. Blight, Beyond the Battlefield: Race, Memory, and the American Civil War (Amherst: Univ. of Massachusetts Press, 2002), 37. 15. Eric Foner uses the term “unfinished” in his Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (New York: Harper & Row). 16. Anthony Burns to Richard Henry Dana Jr., Aug. 30, 1857, Massachusetts Historical Society Archives, Boston. Implicitly I am arguing that for many blacks, the American Revolution extendedbeyondtheJacksonyears,ashasbeensuggestedbyGordonS.WoodinTheRadicalism of the American Revolution (New York: Vintage Books, 1991). I argue that for many African Americans, the Revolution was not complete until they shared in American liberties. 1. Perceiving the North Star 1. Charles Emery Stevens interviewed Anthony Burns and remains the best available source on his early life. See Charles Emery Stevens, Anthony Burns: A History (Boston: John P. Jewett, 1856). The Burns family appears to have conformed to patterns of family development described by Herbert Gutman: family ties were strong, Burns’s mother had a large number of children, and she was serially monogamous. See Herbert G. Gutman, The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom, 1750–1925 (New York: Vintage Books, 1977). 2.WalterJohnsonstressesthatslavesacquireda“doubleconsciousness”ataveryyoungage. Youngmalescouldenjoytheirgrowingstrengthandfemalescouldtakeprideinthedevelopment of their bodies as they reached puberty, but black youths, male or female, could not ignore the fact that these very qualities increased their value at auction. Walter Johnson, Soul by Soul: Life in the Antebellum Slave Market (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1999). 3. Frederick Douglass...