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269 Neoliberal Dilemmas: Diaspora, Displacement, and Development in Buenos Aires JudithM.Anderson T he development of organizational capacity is key for the advancement of African diasporic people in any nation. Structural racism can thwart such efforts, as already marginalized individuals find themselves further isolated by the same policies that were designed to assist them. Dominant Argentine society, like that of many Latin American and Caribbean nations, insists that racism is imported from other nations, specifically the United States. Argentina, the reputed “European nation in Latin America,” does recognize discrimination against some racial and ethnic minorities, yet denies the existence of anti-black racism. The perceived absence of black people is interpreted as eliminating the possibility of anti-black racism. The existence and persistence of black organizations refutes this, as does increased immigration of blacks from Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. Anti-black racism as a global phenomenon is a product of colonialism and certainlynotuniquetotheUnitedStates .Colonialismhasensuredthatwhileracialterminologymightdifferfromcountrytocountry ,thoseracializedasblackareconsistently located at the bottom of the global racial hierarchy. Africans and Afro-descendants in Argentina fall within this category. Though the Argentine state appears to be addressing racial inequalities through the creation of policies that target the poor, these neoliberal practices have only buttressed the existing racial infrastructure. This paper helps illustrate how neoliberal multiculturalism functions on the ground in Argentina. I specifically explore how it impedes the process of organizing J udith M. Anderson 270 around black identity. A small number of blacks have attempted to negotiate these challenges through the creation of their own antiracist organizations to access the resources the state provides. Some government policies have facilitated the upward mobility of Africans and Afro-descendants in Argentina, yet the same policies have alsoledtoincreasedmarginalization,socioeconomicdisplacement,andimpoverishment for others. Understanding how to interpret local race relations is crucial for those working in the field of development. A significant element of many development initiatives is economic change and advancement. Based on field research conducted from 2007 to 2008, I provide the context for neoliberal socioeconomic policies that were executed in the lives of blacks residing in Buenos Aires during that time. THE FOUNDATIONS OF ORGANIZED ACTIVITIES AROUND BLACK IDENTITY For many, it is difficult to imagine modern-day Argentina as a nation with a thriving black population, and even more so as a politically active one that mobilizes around blackidentity.InArgentina,asinmanyothernationswiththepresenceoftheAfrican Diaspora,therehaslongbeenresistancetodominantsociety’snotionofpureEuropean origins.Thisisevidencedintheexistenceoftheblackpress,mutualaidsocieties,and manyotherblackorganizations(Andrews1980;Lewis1996),aswellasAfrican-based cultural practices that contribute to Argentine popular culture (Lanuza 1942). In Argentina, there were several organizations involved in the public politics of race,1 which I define as organized public efforts to mobilize individuals around black identity. The Argentine government created the National Institute against Discrimination (NIAD) in the late 1990s, and the recently established Refugee Assistance Organization, to help combat the problems that plagued black ethnic blocs at a state level. International governments also played an important role with the embassies of South Africa, Brazil, and the United States, all actively participating in public racial politics. The most active black organizations in Argentina included the Nigerian Organization, the Afro-Indigenous Coalition, and the African Diaspora WorkingGroup.Tocontextualizetheroleoftheseblackorganizationsintheexpression ofmodern-dayracialpolitics,Ifocusonamomentthatservedasaconcretemarkerof organized black political activity on a national scale, one that originally incorporated a pan-Africanist vision. The Afro-Argentine at the helm of black political organization was Martin Ne o lib e ra l Dile mma s 271 Escobar, who began his activism in his late thirties. Many local blacks, as well as nonblackallies,recognizedEscobarasthefoundingfatheroftheirmostrecentactivities centered on black identity. Escobar was a handsome, dark-skinned man with a distinct presence that drew people in. He had the look of Hollywood royalty and the dynamism of the greats, in the United States context, like Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. He remained well respected by everyone as a man who tried to raise consciousnessamongblacksaswellasunitethem.Ontheotherhand,inmorerecent years, he has been remembered as a man who had some very harsh criticisms of his fellow Afro-Argentines, and especially of those who have presented themselves as leaders of organized coalitions of Africans and Afro-descendants. This did not make him any less respected of a figure, but it did make some black leaders reluctant to introduce me to him. Unfortunately, Escobar had a debilitating stroke in 2002, which left him with limitedmobilityandspeechcapacity.HissonDominique,areggaeartistwithastrong Rastafarianideology,sharedhisfather’shistory,legacy,andvisionwithme.Thisvision led Escobar to go into exile for twenty years in Switzerland during the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional or the military dictatorship that in...

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