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5 N o t e s o n M i d d l e A m e r i c a n A r c h a e o l o g y a n d E t h n o l o g y Carnegie Institution of Washington Division of Historical Research No. 5 July 1, 1941 an ethnological note from Cilvituk, Southern Campeche E. Wyllys Andrews of, however, without risk of reprisal, by securely tying a stone above it on a rope. In time the rope will rot and thereby the stone, not the man, smashes the image. As the spirit is believed actually to be the image, rather than merely to inhabit it, it is thus annihilated. These stray beliefs are parts of a pattern known in northern Yucatan, Quintana Roo, and British Honduras . Thompson (1930) records a legend among the Socotz Maya of a race of dwarfs who built the ancient ruins, and were subsequently turned to stone. In the name report he records the association of a threeday sickness and death with the Xtabai, vague forest spirits. Gann (1924) reports a belief among the Indians of Santa Cruz del Bravo that the pottery incensarios of the ancients are in reality little people who come to life at night and roam the bush. Thompson (1932) notes that the stelae at Coba were believed to wander about at night; they represented guardians of the forest who, when placated, protect milpas and aid in hunting. As at Cilvituk, however, they can act malevolently if not propitiated. At Tikal, according to Gann (1927) the ancient inhabitants of the ruins were believed by the modern Maya villagers to be reincarnated as howler monkeys condemned forever to roam the bush about the ruins. The stelae there were thought to have been representations of the gods of the ancient inhabitants, and were purposely mutilated to prevent their evil-doing. Redfield (1932) records mere fully the beliefs regarding aluxes in Yucatan, where they are again identifiedwiththepotteryincensariosoftheancients. In the course of a reconnaissance in southwestern Campeche for Carnegie Institution of Washington in the winter of 1939–1940, the village of Cilvituk, on the east shore of the large lake of that name, was visited. A native guided me to a locality some 7 km south on the opposite shore where there was a single platform mound in the rain forest. It was 3 m square and approximately 40 cm high. On it were two broken clay incensarios, a badly smashed stone statuette 35 cm tall, and a fragment of another piece of sculpture. (These will be illustrated in a report now in preparation and to be published by Carnegie Institution.) When he had last visited the mound a number of years before, the guide informed me, these were unbroken and perfectly preserved. Later inquiry brought forth a legend and various local beliefs in relation to these remains, which it has been suggested I record in this series. According to my informants, there was a man some years ago in Cilvituk who lived by hunting. Invariably, before leaving on a hunting trip, he would burn an offering before these little clay “idols” and always had fine luck. On one occasion, however, he omitted this offering, and saw not a trace of game. He blamed his ill luck on the images and in anger smashed all three with his machete. A week later he had a violent fever for three days and died. A number of beliefs are connected with these little idols, known locally as aluxob (dwarfs). If propitiated , they act as benevolent spirits, but if damaged they invariably bring on a raging three-day fever and death to the culprit. An alux may be disposed e. Wyllys AndreWs  In Yucatan they are definitely regarded as harmful spirits and smashed whenever found by the natives, although offerings are occasionally made to than to prevent evil-doing. Sickness, here, is not risked so much by destruction of the aluxes as by leaving them undestroyed to follow their evil bent. Brinton (1883) records that their touch was believed to produce “sickness, especially chills and fever,” but I do not know of any specific stress laid on the three-day fever followed by death as at Cilvituk. (For further discussion see also Redfield and Villa 1934; Mendez 1921.) ...

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