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 intRoduCtion 1 Billy Graham, Just As I Am: The Autobiography of Billy Graham (New York: HarperPaperBacks, 1997), 835. 2 For an excellent treatment of the term “counterculture,” see Arthur Marwick, The Sixties (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998). Marwick emphasizes that “countercultural” youth were also part and parcel of mainstream society. I would agree with this assessment, but I am underscoring their conscious and sometimes subconscious objections to certain aspects of mainstream culture, especially its spirituality. 3 See Nina Easton, Gang of Five: Leaders at the Center of the Conservative Crusade (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000), 147. 4 Historians generally do recognize a relationship between the mood of the sixties and the spiritually inspired politics of the seventies and eighties, but they view the Christian Right as reactionary . See, for example: Kenneth Wald, Religion and Politics in the United States (New York: St. Martin’s, 1987), 210; Robert Wuthnow, The Restructuring of American Religion: Society and Faith since World War II (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 245; George Marsden, Religion and American Culture (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1990), 262; Mark Noll, A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1992), 445; and Robert Ellwood, The Sixties Spiritual Awakening: American Religion Moving from Modern to Postmodern (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1994), 39. In summarizing the rise of the Christian Right in 2001, Dale McConkey wrote, “After a half-century of self-imposed exile from notes American politics, culturally conservative Christians came out of the political closet in the 1970s, attempting to counter what they saw as the country’s steady drift away from traditional values toward moral relativism” (“Whither Hunter’s Culture War? Shifts in Evangelical Morality, 1988–1998,” Sociology of Religion 62 [2001]: 152). CHapteR  1 Stromberg (1916–2004) extended his critique of neophilia to Europe and described it as a plague that by the 1980s had infected most traditional university departments. See Roland Stromberg, European Intellectual History since 1789 (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1994), 313. 2 Vance Packard in The Status Seekers (1959) described the conformity prevalent in American society. He also described the American desire for individualism. Although Packard objected to status lines in society aimed at maintaining stability, he did so only because he believed they denied many talented Americans, black Americans especially, the possibility of achieving the American Dream. See Daniel Horowitz, ed., American Social Classes in the 1950s: Selections from Vance Packard’s “The Status Seekers” (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 1995), 173–90. 3 David Farber correctly observes that even the older generation was pushing apart the seams of convention by 1960, but it should be underscored that the youth of the sixties took their “ideal of unrestrained pleasure” to a height that most of the older generation would not have dared (The Age of Great Dreams [New York: Hill & Wang, 1994], 17). 4 Thomas Bailey, David Kennedy, and Lizabeth Cohen, The American Pageant, vol. 2, Since 1865, 11th ed. (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1998), 544–55. 5 On the “shifting emphasis of the nation’s economy from production to consumption,” see Benjamin Rader, American Ways: A Brief History of American Cultures (New York: Harcourt College , 2001), 185–92. 6 This was especially true among middle-class women. Two wellknown works of the era that make a statement against conventional restraints upon behavior are Charlotte Gilman’s “The Yellow Wallpaper” (1892) and Kate Chopin’s The Awakening (1899). (It should be noted that I extend the Victorian era past the death of Queen Victoria [1901] up to the First World War, because, as others have noted, modernism did not emerge with full vigor until the advent and aftermath of the Great War.)  notes to pp. – [3.22.171.136] Project MUSE (2024-04-26 09:03 GMT) 7 Otis Graham Jr., A Limited Bounty: The United States since World War II (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1996), 80–81. 8 The preoccupation with growth and prosperity as a prerequisite to social and political stability can be found in the works of scholars of the 1950s and 1960s, including Daniel Bell, W. W. Rostow, C. E. Black, and Robert Lane. See David Hollinger and Charles Capper, eds., The American Intellectual Tradition, vol. 2, 1865 to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 286. 9 On the ethical assumptions of the leaders of mainstream culture, see Amanda Porterfield, The Transformation of American Religion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 2–3. 10 Robert Ellwood observes that modernism “requires an...

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