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Notes
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Notes CHAPTER 1 1. For an extensive account of Orlando Bosch’s activities, see Bragg and Font 1991. Bosch had violated parole in the bazooka incident by fleeing the United States. He later returned illegally, at which time the Immigration and Naturalization Service tried to deport him. However, thirty-one countries refused him entry. 2. For instance, one judge described Bosch as “a leader of the Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU), which was linked to more than 50 possible bombings and some possible assassinations” (Bragg and Font 1991). 3. Hardliners’ positions are characterized by opposition to liberalizing travel, trade, and other economic ties with Cuba. Many also favor American invasion of the island to overthrow Castro. 4. State-level polling data on Cuba are scarce. The wording of the question conflates travel to Cuba with doing business there and is consequently a very conservative estimate of opposition to the travel restrictions. For instance, the same poll found that 53 percent of Hispanic Floridians (about half of whom were Cuban) opposed the travel restrictions. 5. The focus on Cuba was credited with having made an uncompetitive race competitive , at least for a short time. Polls showed that Betancourt closed to within 10 points of Diaz-Balart in early October. 6. A breakdown of the demographics of Florida’s congressional districts is available online at http://www.flsenate.gov/data/legislators/senate/DistrictData/CD/CD_Stats.pdf. 7. Betancourt supported liberalization on Cuba, which relates to four distinct policy areas: dialogue, travel, sending money, and the trade embargo. According to a variety of opinion polls, Betancourt’s platform reflected the majority-held preference on all but the trade embargo. Even on this issue, however, a solid majority (52–34 percent) thought the policy was ineffective and needed to be replaced: Cuba Study Group 2002. 8. On Santorum, see“Gay Issue Causes Little Pain for Santorum, Quinnipiac Poll Finds” 2003, which shows that voters think homosexual relations between consenting results should be legal (45–35 percent). 9. On Jeb Bush’s order to the state police, see“Sources Say Police Nearly Faced Off over Schiavo” 2005. Poll results show that 63 percent oppose intervention in the Terri Schiavo case: see “Poll” 2005. 10. The importance of considering everyone’s views reflects the normative value of liberalism where all are citizens are considered equally. 11. Alternative explanations challenge the demand input model by suggesting, for instance, that legislators shape citizens’ attitudes and help them to develop their preferences (e.g., Eulau and Karps 1977; Hill and Hurley 1999). 12. Michael Bailey (2001) articulates a model of representation on trade issues that accounts for legislators who both anticipate and respond to constituents’likely views. David Mayhew (1974) explains the safety of incumbents as due at least partly to their considering and resolving issues before citizens ever have to become aware of them. 13. This issue may also be partially addressed by the fact that most studies of representation assess constituents’ preferences using measures of district ideology, which legislators are also likely to use to make estimates when citizens lack meaningful preferences on an issue. Ideological preferences may be valuable in part because in the aggregate they tend to be stable over time. 14. Averages are calculated by weighting all views equally. Average district characteristics are poor proxies for the majority preference because they may not accurately reflect either the view of the majority or variation in the majority view across districts or time. Nonetheless, they are commonly used. 15. Robert Weissberg (1979, 612) notes, however, that showing that a legislator’s votes systematically co-vary according to the size of some group in his district is not saying that majorities are faithfully represented. 16. Many studies fail to explicitly articulate a theoretical motivation underlying whose views legislators are expected to represent. Since these studies all rely on district average data, however, they account for the views of all citizens in the district. 17. Other forms include service responsiveness, allocation responsiveness, and symbolic responsiveness (e.g., Eulau and Karps 1977). 18. Weissberg (1978) reports that representation levels are likely to be much higher in collective terms than in dyadic terms. A number of policies supported by a majority of the public are prevented from becoming law, however, a fact that suggests slippage in both collective and dyadic representation. 19. This debate is focused on the House of Representatives rather than the Senate, because House rules concentrate power in the hands of party leaders.While party members...