Andean Expressions: Art and Archaeology of the Recuay Culture

8. A Prehistory of Recuay Culture

chap ter eight A Prehistory of Recuay Culture my goal in this concluding chapter is to produce a diachronic model of the character and workings of the culture which elaborates on different forms of evidence presented earlier. The discussion weaves two intersecting themes and data sets, organized chronologically. First, it describes the variability and development of Recuay political systems, as reflected in the archaeological record. This employs inferences from different data (including patterns in artifacts, monuments, and settlements) to describe the rise and decline of sociopolitical centers in different regions of the Recuay heartland. Second, the discussion considers the role of interaction between groups, as reflected in material style and the movement of special objects. Different patterns of frequency and distribution indicate interregional contacts and cultural transactions between Recuay settlements and political centers as well as their timing. Foreign interaction seems to have been fundamental to both the emergence of the Recuay style and its eventual demise. Relative insularity and remarkable regional diversification characterized the intervening time. This chapter emphasizes the role of Recuay culture and history in the wider archaeological record of the Central Andes. In particular, I focus on different things of the culture—with regard to their making, style, and use—and review how they expressed, participated in, and affected the course of Recuay prehistory. Emerging Recuay Style and Identity after Chavín Elements of the Recuay culture emerged in the north highlands of Peru just as soon as Chavín culture began to disappear. Huarás style, the white-on-red pottery component of the Recuay tradition, was crucial in this respect. 244 l a prehistory oF reCuay CuLture Other white-on-red pottery cultures existed in the northern highlands and north central coasts at the time. Some scholars suggested the existence of a “white-on-red horizon” that followed Chavín’s demise (Lumbreras 1974b; Willey 1945). Throughout, this pottery showed an emphasis on painted, white linear, and geometric designs on red paste ceramics, especially on the exteriors of bowls. Subsequent developments were associated with the diversification of local styles in various regions, such as Lima, Gallinazo, Moche, and Recuay. The degree to which Huarás groups interacted with or contributed to the demise of Chavín people can be debated. But it is clear that Huarás culture was largely a conscious rejection of Chavín forms and meanings . It is possible that Huarás emerged in the Callejón de Huaylas and moved into the Chavín area (Lumbreras 1970: 72). Some of the elements of Huarás pottery, however, suggest coastal influences. For example, as in later Recuay styles, potters modeled human and animal figures on jars. In addition, whole vessels occasionally became effigies of the human form. This manner of representation was not part of any local Chavínperiod repertoire and was more typical of the Gallinazo, Salinar, and Vicús styles of Peru’s north coast and foothills. Geometric-linear designs and polished redware surfaces were also common decorative modes. The dispersed presence of pre-Recuay occupations suggests that Huar ás groups were fairly widespread across the Ancash highlands, but little of the wealth accumulation or demographic concentration characteristic of later Recuay settlements is present. Some disagreement exists concerning the nature of relationships between Recuay and Chavín and contemporary cultures of the Early Horizon . Some have contended that Recuay originated directly out of the Chavín tradition. For example, John W. Smith, Jr. (1978: 90) argued that Recuay was an “end product or modification of the Chavín tradition,” largely because of similar thematic content in the art (especially feline imagery) as well as in the production/forms of stone sculpture. Smith (1978: 121–126) followed his advisor, Richard Schaedel, in thinking that Recuay exploited an existing infrastructure, an interaction network abandoned by Chavín. Huarás-period interregional exchange is not well understood, but clues are provided by the feline effigy vessel found in a post-Chavín level at Chavín de Huántar (Lumbreras 1974b: fig. 126a; Purin 1990: 15). Found with Huarás white-on-red materials, it is transitional to Recuay. The large eyes, lack of pelage markings, surface treatment, and modeling are extraordinary for Huarás, and the mythical theme is more characteristic a prehistory oF reCuay CuLture l 245 of coastal cultures (such as Salinar, Gallinazo, or Vicús). This might suggest continued pilgrimage by coastal groups to the cult...