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chapter three Housing, Not a Home In 1954, Mildred and Joseph Spencer moved with their four children into sparkling new public housing at Raymond Rosen Homes in North Philadelphia. Mrs. Spencer had stood in line for hours to submit an application to the Philadelphia Housing Authority (pha) and had managed to obtain one of the coveted apartments for six-person families. Like almost all of the public housing constructed in postwar Philadelphia, Raymond Rosen was racially segregated. Serving African American tenants in a predominantly black neighborhood, it combined high-rise towers with row homes, and the Spencers considered themselves fortunate to receive one of the low-rise dwellings. The Spencers and their neighbors appreciated the dramatic improvement in their standard of living and tried to put their mark on Raymond Rosen by decorating their homes and caring for its public spaces. Many of the women who lived in the low rises took particular pride in their yards and competed with one another over who had the ‘‘prettiest’’ garden.∞ Of all the public institutions in the city, working-class African American women had the highest hopes for public housing. They envisioned the program providing not only the shelter that they desperately needed, but also a measure of the financial security and bodily integrity that they secured from the welfare department and the municipal court. The clean new apartments with modern 90 Housing, Not a Home conveniences provided trappings of respectability that women had long desired . Public housing o√ered them a chance to create real homes for their families, where they could live a√ordably and autonomously, surrounded by supportive networks of friends. Federal and local housing authorities and liberal housing reformers had slightly di√erent, but equally high, hopes for public housing, envisioning it serving as a temporary ‘‘way station’’ that would enable working-class families to achieve upward mobility.≤ They hoped that public housing would provide shelter for families displaced by slum clearance projects while improving the living conditions in run-down neighborhoods. Many also believed that public housing would serve a social function, fostering tenants’ physical and mental well-being and eradicating crime and juvenile delinquency.≥ The media echoed these optimistic predictions in stories that featured enthusiastic tenants moving into attractive new homes in previously blighted neighborhoods. Although the Philadelphia branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (naacp) paid far more attention to public housing than it did to welfare or the municipal court, it did not address the unique struggles that African American women faced when they tried to gain admission . Women’s attempts to secure welfare assistance and protection from domestic violence fell outside the purview of most male civil rights activists, but they saw programs used by men such as public housing, along with education and employment, as crucial components of equal citizenship. Along with other liberal advocacy groups, the naacp lobbied for the construction of public housing for black families in stable neighborhoods and campaigned to convince the pha to stop discriminating against African American applicants. Yet the naacp’s vision of the black applicants who deserved admittance to public housing was limited to two-parent families and excluded unmarried mothers. The organization never challenged the pha’s e√orts to restrict unwed mothers from public housing, which prevented many of the neediest black families from securing decent homes. Only working-class women saw public housing as essential for everyone, regardless of their race or marital status. Single mothers fought their own battles to gain access to public housing by applying in large numbers and pressuring the pha to let them in. More than most other public institutions in the city, public housing’s success depended on women’s support. Welfare authorities purposely confined women to miserable poverty because they feared that if women became too comfortable receiving Aid to Dependent Children (adc), they would never leave the program. Judges paid no penalty if the court’s policies prevented women from making ends meet or trapped them in abusive relationships. Yet the success of public housing depended on tenants committing themselves to their homes [3.142.250.114] Project MUSE (2024-04-25 15:18 GMT) Housing, Not a Home 91 and communities. Public housing could not flourish without residents who would respect and care for their apartments, keep public spaces in good condition , and cultivate respectful relationships with neighbors. Since women in working-class neighborhoods usually took the lead in performing these tasks, their investment in public housing...

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