Before Jim Crow: The Politics of Race in Postemancipation Virginia

Notes

notes abbreviations AL Alderman Library, UVA Danville Proceedings of the Danville Common Council, Proceedings 1881–84, SLV DPL Danville Public Library MP William Mahone Papers, Perkins Library, Duke University, Durham, North Carolina OB-E Common Law Order Book E, Danville Circuit Court RP Harrison Holt Riddleberger Papers, Swem Library, College of William and Mary, Williamsburg SLV State Library of Virginia, Richmond U.S. Senate U.S. Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections. Report Report on the Danville Riot. 48th Cong., 1st sess., 1884, No. 579, Serial 2178 UVA University of Virginia, Charlottesville VHS Virginia Historical Society, Richmond introduction 1. Morrison, Jazz, 100, 138. Cheers to Simon Newman, who spotted this reference to the Readjusters oh so many years ago. 2. On the migration of black southerners to the North, see Henri, Black Migration ; Grossman, Land of Hope; Emmett J. Scott, Negro Migration; Trotter, Great Migration; and Lemann, The Promised Land. For nineteenth-century precedents of mass African American migration from the South, see Painter, Exodusters. 3. See, e.g., Nathan Glazer’s review of Williams, Voice,Trust, and Memory, in Times Literary Supplement, June 18, 1999, 7. 4. In a historiographical overview of scholarly works analyzing the political participation by black southerners in the 1880s and 1890s, LaWanda Cox (‘‘From Emancipation to Segregation,’’ 248) came to the same conclusion. ‘‘[T]he second generation of black political leaders were sufficiently effective 171 to have helped trigger their own undoing, the white racist reaction that led to the displacement of partial by total disfranchisement and the hardening of de facto into legal segregation.’’ This assessment of African American political leaders may be generalized to black southerners as a whole, who by their votes and their assertion in a variety of venues inspired white repression. See also Holt, Black over White, 4, 206, and Cartwright, Triumph of Jim Crow. 5. See Congressional Directories for the sessions between 1877 and 1897. On fusion, see Argersinger, ‘‘Fusion Politics and Antifusion Laws.’’ See also DeSantis , Republicans Face the Southern Question, 133–81, 227–62, and ‘‘President Hayes’s Southern Policy’’; Hirshson, Farewell to the Bloody Shirt, 94–98, 105– 22; and Goodwyn, ‘‘Populist Dreams and Negro Rights.’’ On Arkansas, see Kenneth C. Barnes, Who Killed John Clayton, 3, 56–57, 61, 65. For an excellent introduction to biracial coalition in North Carolina, see Eric Anderson, Race and Politics. 6. For a succinct discussion of the animating issues of intraracial southern independent movements, see Hyman, Anti-Redeemers, 167–91. 7. Quoted in Woodward, Origins, 81. On southern independent movements before populism, see the entries in n. 5 above and Woodward, Origins, 75–105; Kousser, Shaping of Southern Politics, 11, 18, 25–28, 73; Degler, The Other South, 264–315; Hyman, Anti-Redeemers; Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion; Hahn, Roots of Southern Populism, 225–38; Cartwright, Triumph of Jim Crow, 29–41; Burton , ‘‘Race and Reconstruction’’; and DeSantis, ‘‘Independent Movements in the South.’’ 8. Quoted in Hyman, Anti-Redeemers, 196. 9. Eric Anderson, Race and Politics, 96–113, 136–37. Anderson (p. 138) reports that Simmons considered his victory secured by the support he received from ‘‘the better class of colored men’’ (quoting Raleigh State Chronicle, February 2, 1884). In Charlotte in the 1880s, middle-class whites allied with an emerging black bourgeoisie against alcohol. This coalition was mirrored by working-class black and white antiprohibitionists who formed an interracial Liberal Anti-Prohibition Party. See Greenwood, Bittersweet Legacy, 77–113. For more on the emerging African American middle class, see Escott, Many Excellent People, and Gatewood, Aristocrats of Color. 10. Hyman, Anti-Redeemers, 187–88 (Alabama), 170 (Mississippi and Georgia ); see also Gutman, ‘‘Black Coal Miners.’’ On interracial unionism in Alabama in these years, see Letwin’s excellent new book, Challenge of Interracial Unionism. See also Halsell, ‘‘Republican Factionalism’’ and ‘‘Chalmers and ‘Mahoneism .’ ’’ Other Georgia blacks supported William Felton’s Independent candidacy for Congress. See Hyman, Anti-Redeemers, 173, 187, and Painter, Exodusters , 40–43. 11. Kousser, Shaping of Southern Politics, 27, table 1.3, and 28, table 1.4. The numbers and dates are (with some stretching on my part regarding Louisiana and the definition of one-fourth) Arkansas, 1888—29 percent; Georgia, 1880—28 percent; Louisiana, 1884—24 percent; Tennessee, 1884—31 percent ; and Virginia, 1881—26 percent. 172 n o t e s t o p a g e s 3 – 4 12. See Kousser, Shaping of Southern Politics and ‘‘Post...