The Universal Negro Improvement Association in the Rural South, 1920-1927
Publication Year: 2007
Published by: The University of North Carolina Press
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Title Page, Copyright, Dedication
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Illustrations and Maps
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After more years than I care to emphasize, I am delighted to finally have the opportunity to thank the people who have helped me in so many ways to make this book possible. I met my husband, Frank, in 1988, about the same time I began researching the Garvey movement in the South. ...
Introduction: Rediscovering Southern Garveyism
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Garveyism did not disappear after Marcus Garvey’s deportation from the United States in 1927. Although it now goes by different names, Garveyism’s meanings remain essential to popular black nationalism and fundamental to many other strands of contemporary black thought. Garvey, a Jamaican of African ancestry, ...
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Many of Marcus Garvey’s inspiring words and ideas sounded familiar to his followers because they were not necessarily new.1 Many of the most important themes of Garvey’s speeches, both spoken and transcribed weekly in the Negro World, echoed the voices of generations of black clergymen, journalists, and other influential black leaders of the American South. ...
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Marcus Garvey traveled, read, and listened prodigiously and possessed a remarkable learning curve for organization and politics. The strategies and ideas he learned from Booker T. Washington, Henry McNeal Turner, and others with a southern perspective provided a model of leadership but did not give him the ability to go into any community he wanted to organize the UNIA. ...
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In his first year of organizing in the United States, Garvey took a logical and practical approach in deciding how to expand the UNIA. The New York division took off, word spread to Philadelphia, and soon the Negro World and enthusiastic leaders and recruiters mobilized black activism throughout urban centers of black population. ...
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The Garvey movement attracted a very diverse group of southern blacks from urban and rural locations, coastal and interior cities, and the upper and lower South. But the archetypal American Garveyite lived in a majority-black community, farmed cotton on someone else’s land, and struggled to maintain a stable and safe family. ...
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The Garvey movement was not a radical fringe organization despite some of the controversial tactics of its leader. The UNIA had broad popularity and was able to start divisions everywhere it was known in the South, beginning with the Virginia peninsula in 1919 and ending with the Delta of eastern Arkansas in late 1922. ...
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Although the strategies and objectives of the UNIA appeared diametrically opposed to those of organizations that were seeking legal equality and American citizenship for black people, the UNIA’s organizational success and popularity in the South helped rival groups by teaching them important lessons. ...
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The Garvey movement’s direct intellectual legacy appears more discreetly in the integrationist tendencies of the modern civil rights movement than in the discourse of black nationalism, yet its influences are an important part of both. Activists at the local, state, regional, and national levels have had direct personal and community ties to the UNIA , ...
Appendix A. UNIA Divisions in the Eleven States of the Former Confederacy
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Appendix B. Numbers of Southern Members of UNIA Divisions by State
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Appendix C. Numbers of Sympathizers Involved in Mass Meetings and Petitions for Garvey’s Release from Jail and Prison, 1923–1927
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Appendix D. Phases of Organization of UNIA Divisions in the South by State
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Appendix E. Ministers as Southern UNIA Officers, 1926–1928
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Appendix F. Profiles of UNIA Members in Georgia, Arkansas, and Mississippi, 1922–1928, and NAACP Branch Leaders in Georgia, 1917–1920
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Appendix G. Women Organizers in the UNIA in the South, 1922–1928
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Page Count: 304
Illustrations: 5 illus., 5 maps, 9 tables
Publication Year: 2007
Series Title: The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture