Beyond Banneker: Black Mathematicians and the Paths to Excellence

Chapter 2. Kinships and Communities

19 two Kinships and Communities The mathematical journeys of Elbert F. Cox and Euphemia Lofton Haynes described in the introduction suggest a compelling question: how does someone who has never known a mathematician decide to become one? Wayne Leverett’s self-described trajectory—exposed to the route of becoming a mathematician in stages, first in high school through his teachers , then in college through his mentor and major professor, and so forth—is a story shared by many first- and second-generation mathematicians, whose experiences growing up in the first half of the 20th century starkly demonstrate just how narrowly opportunities were defined for African Americans during that time period. As Evelyn Boyd Granville, one of the first Black women in the United States to earn her PhD in mathematics, recalls: I think my sister was good in math. But I don’t remember exactly; I know she started college. But she didn’t finish, she stayed one year and then she didn’t finish. I don’t know whether she was going to be a math major or not. I think she was pretty good. Now, my mother, I don’t recall my mother being particularly adept at mathematics. And of course my mother didn’t go to college, my father didn’t go to college , so I don’t know what their real strengths would have been had they been living in this current situation, in today. Without close examination, it would be easy to come away from some first- and second-generation mathematicians’ stories with an erroneous assumption: that because of the usually limited formal education of their parents and families and the lack of state and local government funding 20 Beyond Banneker bestowed upon Black public schools at that time, Black mathematicians’ social networks outside of school and educational experiences within school did not provide meaningful mathematics opportunities. The lives of many mathematicians across generations—with their rich descriptions of mathematics teaching and learning, both within and outside of schools—suggest differently. Even within the most challenging environments perceived as unlikely to provide opportunities for learning mathematics—one-room schoolhouses in the rural South, large high schools in urban centers—exemplary learning and teaching took place. And despite contemporary “postracial ” rhetoric, stories of racial obstacles to younger mathematicians’ development share some surprising similarities with those of older mathematicians. Various networks and communities emerge as pivotal to Black mathematicians ’ development. These “kinships”—both fictive and familial—are formal and informal, planned and serendipitous. Fictive kinships are close, familylike relationships among individuals who do not share blood ties, and social scientists have found them particularly prevalent and influential in the African American community, dating from the era of slavery. For example, some Black mathematicians, as do some members of the larger community of mathematicians, speak of their “mathematical brothers” and “mathematical sisters,” peers and mentors who have studied with them, mentored them, or collaborated with them throughout their professional careers. Contemporary professional kinships owe much to Black mathematicians’ mid-20th century efforts to organize themselves when national mathematics organizations would not have them as fully participating members. In addition, historically Black colleges and universities provide an extensive network of alumni, students , faculty, and administrators who see producing Black professionals in the mathematical sciences as one of their core missions. But we are getting ahead of ourselves. What early experiences are critical to the development of Black mathematicians? The first kinships that support mathematical development, not surprisingly, are rooted in the family. As Black mathematicians recall, families encourage mathematical interest, promote learning about mathematics concepts, and provide insulation against low expectations of Black students in formal school settings. These family networks are critical for mathematics learning and socialization, as they are for most mathematicians. As Black mathematicians enter schools, these kinships may expand to include peers, teachers, and administrators. And as Black mathematicians enter colleges and universities, both family and school kinships have a lasting impact and share characteristics with the professional kinships that Black mathematicians develop with each other. Thus, kinships Kinships and Communities 21 in some form—with elements of caring, nurturing, instructing, socializing, mentoring, and inducting—permeate the lives of Black mathematicians from their early childhood years throughout their professional lives. Carrying on the Family Tradition Laverne Richardson and William Burris are two of the youngest mathematicians interviewed for this book, and like many others, they have heard stories about where their mathematical talents...