Critical Essays on Israeli Society, Politics, and Culture: Books on Israel, Volume II

2. The Ambiguities of a 'Binational' Israel

Myron J. Aronoff The Ambiguities of a 'Binational' Israel nan Pe1eg and Ofrra Seliktar. editors. The Emergence oj a Binational Israel: The SecondRepublicintheMaking. Boulder:Westvtew.1989. ThiS volume has a catchy title and subtitle, but unfortunately neither provide sufficient thematic focus or conceptual clarity to produce a coherent volume. Although Ofira Seliktar provides in the lead essay a reasonable consideration of subjective, political, and legal aspects ofbinationalism ' the other contributors ignore her efforts. Probably her essay was not available to them when they wrote their essays. Also she failed to provide a clear concise definition of binationalism which the others could have easily used. Terms such as extrastatutory binationalism do not take the place of such definitions. Her co-editor. Han Peleg, concludes in the final (but not summary) essay: "The volume on the emergence ofBinational Israel demonstrates two difficulties: (a) there is still no one agreed- upon definition of binationalism; (b) it is not clear at all whether the Israeli society today is already binational or how soon it will become one. In brief, the topic of binationalism is a difficult one, both definitionally and empirically" (230). Several dimensions of ambiguity arise over the use of 28 Critical Essays on Israeli Society, Politics, and Culture binationalism by different contributors. Some use the term as description. others as prediction. and yet others as prescription. Another important problem is ambiguity: does binationalism apply to the situation within the pre1967 . or post-1967 borders. or both? Since the status of Arab citizens ofIsrael is markedly different from that oftheir Palestinian brethren living across the Green Line. the term does not equally fit both situations as description or prediction . Furthermore. what may be a practical solution for one may not be so for the other. For example. Seliktar argues that in terms of national self- identification ofIsraeli Arabs. "Israel within the Green Line has been a binational state since 1968; the presence of the Palestinians since 1967 has only amplified the psychological dimension ofbinationalism" (11). The political transformation of Israeli Arabs after 1967 has led to more sophisticated political organization and voting behavior. She asserts that "the only way to assure a truly equitable existence for Israeli Arabs as individuals would require the elimination of the Jewish character of the state" (14). No significant Jewish group favors binationalism within the pre-1967 borders. not even those whom Seliktar defines as universalists. much less those whom she defines as pragmatists and particularists. Therefore. a more feasible solution for Israeli Arabs would be to work through the political process with Jewish universalists (and even some pragmatists ) to achieve a much greater equality and separation of religion and the state. Those same potential Jewish allies support Palestinian autonomy or independence in the West Bank in Gaza precisely because they reject binationalism in favor ofpreserving Israel as both a Jewish and a democratic state. The most cogent and persuasive case for the movement towards binationalism within the pre-1967 borders is made by Ian Lustick. He suggests that it is unlikely that Israel will become a binational state by the explicit deciSions of duly constituted authorities. Rather it will come about as the Ambiguities oja 'Binational' Israel 29 long-term response to the increasing size and sophistication of a formally enfranchised Arab electorate engaged in democratic political competition. Lustick suggests this process can lead to coalitions which cross ethnic/communal lines which could transform the system from one of mononational control to a binational democracy. The Jewish sector is polarized over fundamental questions: the ultimate disposition of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. and the price to be paid for peace. Given the electoral/parliamentary deadlock between the two major political blocs and the increasing size and importance ofthe Arab vote. Israeli Arabs are likely to play an increasingly important and independent political role. Lustick notes that since 1983 Jewish politicians "have exhibited unusual sensitivity and responsiveness to Arab economic. social. cultural. and political demands" (107). This unprecedented responsiveness is due largely to increasinglysophisticatedstrategiCvotingamong IsraeliArabs. Lustick concludes: ''Though binationalism will not be used to describe the changes thereby brought about until well after those changes have occurred. it is already more accurate to conceive of Israel as a binational than as a mononational society. In other words. Israel may be 'the Jewish state' in ideological and. to a certain extent. in legal. terms. but empirically its existence as such is increasingly problematic. The absorption oftheWest...