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INTRODUCTION: BUILDING STORIES: WRITING ABOUT ARCHITECTURE IN POST-REFORMATION ENGLAND
1. Leland and Bale, The Laboryouse Journey and Serche of Johan Leylande, for Englandes Antiquitees Geven of Hym as a New Yeares Gyfte to King Henry the VIII, A ii v. For use of the word “monument” in this sense, see OED 3.
2. Leland and Bale, Laboryouse Journey, B i r–v.
3. Leland and Bale, Laboryouse Journey, B ii r. Leland’s Itinerary remained unpublished until 1710, but his notes were apparently available to subsequent scholars, and his ambitious (perhaps delusional) vision of mapping Britain topographically and historically would lay the groundwork for antiquarian projects over the course of the following century, informing such monumental productions as William Camden’s Britannia (1586) and the Monasticon Anglicanum (1655) of Roger Dodsworth and William Dugdale.
4. Camden, Britannia, tr. Philemon Holland, 163. For a reading of Leland’s sense of loss, see Schwyzer, Literature, Nationalism and Memory in Early Modern England and Wales, 61–66. For Leland’s importance in the development of English architectural and topographical description, see Howard, The Building of Elizabethan and Jacobean England, 110. For comment on the connection between the dissolution and antiquarian interest in the preservation of manuscripts, see Watts, “English Place-Names in the Sixteenth Century,” 42. For a detailed description of Leland’s project, see Kendrick, British Antiquity, 45–56.
5. Güven, “Frontiers of Fear: Architectural History, the Anchor and the Sail,” 76.
6. Arnold, “Preface” in Rethinking Architectural Historiography, xvii.
7. Evett, Literature and the Visual Arts in Tudor England, 79, 45.
8. Roston, Renaissance Perspectives in Literature and the Visual Arts, 6, 238.
9. Gent, Picture and Poetry, 1560-1620, 1.
10. Harris with Savage, British Architectural Books and Writers, 1556–1785, 513–514.
11. See Harris with Savage, 419; and Hind, Engraving in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, 1.60.
12. Wells-Cole, Art and Decoration in Elizabethan and Jacobean England, 10–11.
13. Gent, “‘The Rash Gazer’: Economies of Vision in Britain, 1550–1660,” 378.
14. Howard, Building, 9. See also chap. 3, “A Language for Architecture,” 95–120.
15. Leland, Leland’s Journey through Wiltshire, A.D. 1540–42, 7; Leland, The Itinerary of John Leland the Antiquary, 2.52–53.
16. Leland, Itinerary, 2.52.
17. Leland, Itinerary, 2.53.
18. Leland, Itinerary, 2.53.
19. Johnson, Ben Jonson: Poetry and Architecture; Eriksen, The Building in the Text: Alberti to Shakespeare and Milton, esp. p. xviii.
20. Donne, “The Canonization,” line 32; Jonson, Discoveries, 591.
21. Yates, The Art of Memory, 129–159; 342–367; Carruthers, The Book of Memory, 71–79. Carruthers gives a useful account of the classical roots of the tradition in such texts as Cicero’s De Oratore and Rhetorica ad Herennium and Quintillian’s Institutio.
22. For a discussion of Leland’s struggle with textual form, see Klein, Maps and the Writing of Space in Early Modern England and Ireland, 140–141.
23. Marchitello, Narrative and Meaning in Early Modern England, 77. See also Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood: The Elizabethan Writing of England, 105–148; and Swann, Curiosities and Texts, 100. For the tension between spatial and historical models for imagining the nation, see Klein, 137–170.
24. Leland and Bale, Laboryouse Journey, A ii v.
25. Leland and Bale, Laboryouse Journey, D v v.
26. Simpson, “Diachronic History and the Shortcomings of Medieval Studies,” 29.
27. Summit, “Leland’s Itinerary and the Remains of the Medieval Past,” 161.
28. Camden, Britannia, tr. Holland, 242; Schwyzer, Archaeologies of English Renaissance Literature, 75.
29. Bryson, Holly, and Moxley, “Introduction,” xvi.
30. Bryson, Holly, and Moxley, xvii.
31. Sherlock, Monuments and Memory in Early Modern England; Nigel Llewellyn, Funeral Monuments in Post-Reformation England.
32. Whinney, Sculpture in Britain, 1530–1830; Llewellyn, 20, 35. See also Cooper, who writes, “At the beginning of the [seventeenth] century, very few people would have had any idea of the notion of an architectural ‘style’.” The Jacobean Country House, 30.
33. See Weever, Ancient Funerall Monuments, Camden’s Reges, Reginae, Nobiles et Alij in Ecclesia Collegiata B. Petri Westmonasterij Sepulti, and Browne’s Repertorium.
34. See Hunneyball, Architecture and Image Building in Seventeenth-Century Hertfordshire. Hunneyball writes, “Even assuming that classical motifs were indeed being employed because patrons wished to allude to the glories of antiquity, it is still far from clear that most of them really appreciated the elements of classical design at a more than superficial level,” 175.
35. Zevi, Architecture as Space: How to Look at Architecture, 22.
36. De Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, 122.
37. See, for instance, Orlin’s “The Tudor Long Gallery in the History of Privacy,” 284–298; “Women on the Threshold,” 50–58; and Locating Privacy in Tudor London.
38. See, for instance, Schofield’s diagrammatic reconstruction of the post-Reformation floor plan of the former Holy Trinity Priory, Aldgate, in The Building of London from the Conquest to the Great Fire, 148.
39. See, for instance, Fumerton, who calls study of the “everyday” a “new new historicism” that “focuses primarily on the common . . . in both a class and cultural sense” (“Introduction,” 3).
40. See Treswell, The London Surveys of Ralph Treswell; Godfrey, Wenceslaus Hollar: A Bohemian Artist in England; Thorpe, “The Book of Architecture of John Thorpe”; Brown “Continuity and Change in the Urban House: Developments in Domestic Space Organisation in Seventeenth-Century London,” 558–590; Maguire, “A Collection of Seventeenth-Century Architectural Plans,” 140–182; Orlin, “Temporary Lives in London Lodgings,” 219–242.
41. For the pervasive sense of change in Leland’s work, see Scattergood, “John Leland’s Itinerary and the Identity of England,” 64–65.
42. For an account of the development of Palladian classicism in England, see Anderson, “Palladio in England: The Dominance of the Classical in a Foreign Land,” 122–129.
43. Belsey, “Afterword: Classicism and Cultural Dissonance.” 427.
44. Arnold, Reading Architectural History, 99.
45. See especially Summerson, Inigo Jones; Peacock, The Stage Designs of Inigo Jones: The European Context; and Anderson, Inigo Jones and the Classical Tradition. For Jones’s precocious knowledge and adaptation of Palladio, see Burns, “Palladio and the Foundations of a New Architecture in the North,” 16–55, esp. 19–35.
46. See, for instance, Schofield, who writes that Jones’s masterworks of the 1620s and ’30s would have remained “totally alien to the man in the London Street” until much later in the century (Building of London, 168).
47. Wilton-Ely, “The Rise of the Professional Architect in England,” 183.
48. Peacock, 36.
49. Belsey, 428.
50. Arnold, Reading Architectural History, 42, 99, 183.
51. Summerson, Georgian London and Architecture in Britain, 1530–1830; Colvin, A Biographical Dictionary of English Architects, 1660–1840, 1st ed.
52. For consideration of patron-builder relationships, see Howard, Building, 121–164; Hunneyball, 57; Sutton, Materializing Space at an Early Modern Prodigy House: The Cecils at Theobalds, 1564–1607; Girouard, Robert Smythson and the Elizabethan Country House.
53. Camden, Britannia, tr. Holland, 251, 703, 200.
54. De Grazia, Quilligan, and Stallybrass, “Introduction,” 5.
55. Clifford, Great Books of Record, 2.40. Quotations from the Great Books are reproduced by kind permission of the Cumbria Archive Centre, Kendal.
56. Gent, “‘The Rash Gazer’,” 379.
57. Sinfield, “Poetaster, the Author, and the Perils of Cultural Production,” 75–76.
58. Harris, “Shakespeare’s Hair: Staging the Object of Material Culture,” 480.
59. Parry, The Trophies of Time: English Antiquarians of the Seventeenth Century, 30.
60. Yegül, “Hercules at the Roundabout: Multidisciplinary Choice in the History of Architecture,” 63.
61. For an account of the historically “antagonistic” relationship between literary and archaeological methodologies, see Schwyzer, Archaeologies of English Renaissance Literature, 5–6.
62. This strict division between material and linguistic forms of evidence has been questioned by other scholars. See, for instance, Ekinci, “Reopening the Question of Document in Architectural History,” 121–134.
63. Harris and Korda, “Introduction,” 17.
64. Vine, In Defiance of Time: Antiquarian Writing in Early Modern England, 5.
65. Harris, Untimely Matter in the Time of Shakespeare, 11, 24. In conceptualizing “a temporality that is not one,” Harris is drawing Biddick’s The Typological Imaginary: History, Technology, Circumcision, 1.
66. Harris, Untimely Matter, 33. For the figure of the palimpsest, see pp. 1–5, 13–19.
67. Wotton, The Elements of Architecture, A 2 v.
68. See, for instance, Wilton-Ely, who writes that unlike the works of Inigo Jones, “Wren’s direction of the Office of Works and the sheer range of buildings carried out under him had a lasting impact upon the status and responsibilities of the architect as well as upon the organization of the entire building industry. . . . Wren represents, as perhaps never again, the universal competence envisioned by Shute a century earlier,” 185.
CHAPTER 1: LOSS AND FOUNDATIONS: CAMDEN’S BRITANNIA AND THE HISTORIES OF ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE
1. Shute, The First and Chief Groundes of Architecture; Blum, The Booke of Five Collumnes of Architecture; Serlio, The Five Books of Architecture; Wotton, The Elements of Architecture.
2. Wotton mentions the garden of Sir Henry Fanshaw at Ware Park (Elements, 110).
3. For comment on Camden’s incipient empiricism, see Parry, The Trophies of Time: English Antiquarians of the Seventeenth Century, 30–31; Woolf, The Social Circulation of the Past: English Historical Culture, 1500–1730, 142–144, 152; Herendeen, “Wanton Discourse and the Engines of Time: William Camden—Historian among Poets-Historical,” 150–151; Kendrick, British Antiquity, 150–155. For Camden’s relationship to seventeenth-century practices of collecting, see Swann, Curiosities and Texts, 13–14, 98–100.
4. On Camden’s use of oral tradition, see Woolf, Social Circulation, 359–360.
5. Vine, In Defiance of Time: Antiquarian Writing in Early Modern England, 18.
6. See Swann, 1–6 and chap. 1, “Cultures of Collecting.” For essays on the history of collecting in England, see The Evolution of English Collecting, ed. Chaney.
7. On reactions to England’s monastic ruins, see Schwyzer, “Dissolving Images: Monastic Ruins in Elizabethan Poetry,” in Archaeologies of English Renaissance Literature, 72–107, esp. 72–74; McBride, Country House Discourse in Early Modern England, 17–46; Herendeen, From Landscape to Literature: The River and the Myth of Geography, 184; and Aston, “English Ruins and English History: The Dissolution and the Sense of the Past,” in Lollards and Reformers: Images and Literacy in Late Medieval Religion, 313–338. For possible associations between architectural classicism and Catholicism or Protestantism, see Howard “The Treatise and Its Alternatives: Theory and Practice in Sixteenth-Century England,” 141–153; Llewellyn, Funeral Monuments in Post-Reformation England, 28; Hart, “From Virgin to Courtesan in Early English Vitruvian Books,” 312–318; Thomas, “English Protestantism and Classical Art,” 221–238; Hart, “‘A peece rather of good Heraldry, than of Architecture’: Heraldry and the Orders of Architecture as Joint Emblems of Chivalry,” 56–57. For the relationship between Puritanism and classicism, see Mowl and Earnshaw, Architecture without Kings: The Rise of Puritan Classicism under Cromwell, 2–7.
8. For an elegant summary of this argument, see Peacock, The Stage Designs of Inigo Jones: The European Context, 35–38.
9. For a comparison of the treatment of the English aristocracy in successive editions of the Britannia, see Rockett, “Britannia, Ralph Brooke, and the Representation of Privilege in Elizabethan England,” 474–499.
10. For the publication history of these and other early architectural books, see Harris with Savage, British Architectural Books and Writers, 1556–1785.
11. Parry, 48. On the Britannia’s circulation and influence, see Woolf, Social Circulation, 152, 154, 253–255.
12. Ben Jonson, “Epigram 14,” line 8.
13. For a list of the books included in the Great Picture and Appleby Triptych (of which it forms the center panel), see Spence, Lady Anne Clifford, 190–191. The Great Picture itself is reproduced on p. ii, and the left- and right-hand panels on pages 16 and 112, respectively. For Evelyn’s contribution, see The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. de Beer, 5.206.
14. For a discussion of architecture’s role in English folklore and antiquarianism more generally, see Woolf, Social Circulation, 310–315.
15. Piggott, “William Camden and the Britannia,” 21. For broader views of chorography, see also Swann, 99–101, and McRae, God Speed the Plough: The Representation of Agrarian England, 1500–1660, 231–261.
16. Parry, 3.
17. On Camden’s debt to Leland, see Kendrick, 147–149; Brooke, A Discoverie of Certaine Errours Published in Print in the Much Commended Britannia, 1594. See also the anonymous poem “Leylands Supposed Ghost,” bound with Brooke’s Discoverie in the British Library copy (shelfmark 796.g.12).
18. Kendrick, 150.
19. Klein, “Imaginary Journeys: Spenser, Drayton, and the Poetics of National Space,” 209.
20. Quotations from Camden, Britannia, tr. Philemon Holland, “The Author to the Reader,” [7]. All subsequent quotations from this edition of Britannia are cited parenthetically by page number in the text.
21. Swann, 13; Parry, 30.
22. Solomon, Objectivity in the Making: Francis Bacon and the Politics of Inquiry, xix.
23. The problems of considering Camden’s works a prototype of modern historical method are considered in detail by Collinson, “One of Us? William Camden and the Making of History,” 139–164.
24. Levy, Tudor Historical Thought, 252–258.
25. The question of the Britannia’s genre has been most thoroughly treated by Herendeen. See William Camden: A Life in Context, 208–220, and “Wanton Discourse and the Engines of Time: William Camden—Historian among Poets-Historical,” 142–156.
26. Summit, Memory’s Library: Medieval Books in Early Modern England, 178, 176.
27. Herendeen, “Wanton Discourse and the Engines of Time,” 152.
28. Woolf observes that in the early seventeenth century “objects were almost invariably situated within a knowledge field defined by literary texts” (Social Circulation, 313).
29. Vine, 10.
30. The Richborough Roman Fort and Amphitheatre are now an English Heritage site.
31. Leland and Bale, The Laboryouse Journey and Serche of Johan Leyland, for Englandes Antiquitees, Geven of Hym as a Newe Years Gyfte to Kynge Henry the VIII, B ii r.
32. Harris, Untimely Matter in the Time of Shakespeare, 103, 113.
33. For ancient coins, see Camden, 105. For reused building materials, see, for example, 569, 669, and 699.
34. Camden, Britannia, tr. Edmund Gibson et al., A 2 r.
35. Harris, “Shakespeare’s Hair: Staging the Object of Material Culture,” 480.
36. For Camden’s relationship to Cotton and his extensive use of Cotton’s library, see Summit, Memory’s Library, 174–183.
37. Harris, Untimely Matter in the Time of Shakespeare, 95–101.
38. Klein, “Imaginary Journeys,” 209.
39. This portion of the chapter builds on a significant body of scholarship surrounding the English country house. Other studies of the country house during this period include Cliffe’s The World of the Country House in Seventeenth-Century England, Howard’s The Early Tudor Country House, Girouard’s Life in the English Country House, and Robert Smythson and the Elizabethan Country House. Studies of the country house in the literary tradition include McBride’s Country House Discourse in Early Modern England, Fowler’s The Country House Poem: A Cabinet of Seventeenth-Century Estate Poems and Related Items, McClung’s The Country House in English Renaissance Poetry, and Hibbard’s “The Country House Poem of the Seventeenth Century,” 159–174.
40. See, for instance, Fowler, 7–8; Heal, Hospitality in Early Modern England, 112–113; Mc-Clung, 105–106.
41. Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood: The Elizabethan Writing of England, 105–148, esp. 108–124.
42. For detailed accounts of the Cecils as architectural patrons, see Sutton, Materializing Space at an Early Modern Prodigy House: The Cecils at Theobalds, 1564–1607; Croft, Patronage, Culture, and Power: The Early Cecils, 3–98.
43. For detailed accounts of the Sidneys at Penshurst, see Celovsky, “Ben Jonson and Sidneian Legacies of Hospitality,” 178–206; Fowler, 53–62; Wayne, Penshurst: The Semiotics of Place and the Poetics of History.
44. Orlin, Locating Privacy in Tudor London, 13.
45. The tendency of literary studies to adopt this approach is discussed in more detail in Chapter 4, with particular reference to George Herbert. Influential historical studies for generating this framework include Duffy’s The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, c. 1400–c. 1580, and Fincham and Tyacke’s The Altars Restored: The Changing Face of English Religious Worship, 1547–c. 1700. My point here is not to invalidate these magisterial works but to suggest the persistence of an alternative way of thinking about religious architecture. For the assumed connection between church architecture and the visual arts more generally, see Peacock, 36.
46. Hunneyball, Architecture and Image Building in Seventeenth-Century Hertfordshire, 175; Llewellyn, 28.
47. Leland and Bale, Laboryouse Journey, A ii v.
48. Tanner, Notitia Monastica, or a Short History of the Religious Houses in England and Wales, b 8 r.
CHAPTER 2: ARISTOCRATS AND ARCHITECTS: HENRY WOTTON AND THE COUNTRY HOUSE POEM
1. See, for instance Wilton-Ely, “The Rise of the Professional Architect in England,” 180–208. Wilton-Ely measures the architects of early modern England against what a previous chapter in the same collection calls “The New Professionalism in the Renaissance” (Wilkinson, 124–160).
2. See, for instance, Wells-Cole, Art and Decoration in Elizabethan and Jacobean England: The Influence of Continental Prints, 1558–1625, 15–22; Belsey, “Afterword: Classicism and Cultural Dissonance,” 427–431; Evett, Literature and the Visual Arts in Tudor England, 55–57.
3. M. Vitruvius Pollio, Ten Books on Architecture, tr. Ingrid D. Rowland 1.1, p. 21. See also Kruft, who names the notebooks of the post-Restoration architect Roger Pratt (unpublished until 1928) as an early instance of an architectural writer’s “attempting to systematise the process of perception, i.e. to plot how the observer’s eyes roam over the building before him” (A History of Architectural Theory from Vitruvius to the Present, 233).
4. For comment on Jones’s innovations, influence, and atypical career, see Anderson, Inigo Jones and the Classical Tradition, 1–6; Wilton-Ely, 182–185; Summerson, Inigo Jones, esp. 1–2; Wells-Cole, 11; Mowl, Elizabethan and Jacobean Style, 143. A different view of Jones’s architectural career, emphasizing his early work on masque design is offered by Peacock, The Stage Designs of Inigo Jones: The European Context, 55–112.
5. See, for instance, Belsey, 429. Belsey contrasts the “the façades of Longleat, symmetrical and neoclassical in imitation of Renaissance Italy” with “the solid and traditional values of indigenous English architecture” praised by Ben Jonson in “To Penshurst.”
6. For comment on the relationship between chorography and estate surveying during this period, see Swann, Curiosities and Texts, 100–101; McRae, God Speed the Plough: The Representation of Agrarian England, 1500–1660, 231–233.
7. For the relationship between architecture and surveying, see Wilton-Ely, 181–183, and Summerson, Inigo Jones, 15–16.
8. For the novelty of Wotton’s work, see Gent, “‘The Rash Gazer’: Economies of Vision in Britain, 1550–1660,” 388, and Harris with Savage, British Architectural Books and Writers, 1556–1785, 499.
9. McRae, 172–179.
10. Fitzherbert, Surveyenge, fol. 38 v–39 r. An earlier edition of the manual was published in 1523 under the title Here Begynneth a Right Frutefull Mater: And Hath to Name the Boke of Surveyeng and Improvementes.
11. For a detailed account of the surveyor’s duties, see McRae, 169–197; Thompson, Chartered Surveyors: The Growth of a Profession, 1–29.
12. Norden, The Surveyors Dialogue, A 6 r.
13. Fitzherbert, fol. 16 r.
14. William Camden, Britannia, tr. Philemon Holland, 4–[5].
15. McRae, 231.
16. Leland and Bale, The Laboryouse Journey and Serche of Johan Leylande, for Englandes Antiquitees, D v v.
17. Norden, Speculum Britanniae: The First Parte: An Historicall, and Chorographicall Discription of Middlesex; Speculi Britanniae Pars: The Description of Hartfordshire.
18. Norden, The Surveyors Dialogue, 15.
19. Lucar, Treatise Named Lucarsolace, 50–52, quoted in McRae, 190.
20. Rivius [Walther Ryff] (c. 1500–after 1545) published a German translation of Vitruvius’s De architecttura libri decem with commentary (Nuremburg, 1548). Philander’s edition was published at Lyon in 1552. Baldi (1553–1617) published De verborum vitruvianorum significationes [On the meanings of Vitruvian words] (Augsburg, 1612).
21. Wotton, The Elements of Architecture, 
22. Vitruvius, Ten Books, 1.1, pp. 22, 23.
23. Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books, Prologue, 3.
24. De l’Orme, Architecture de Philibert de l’Orme, 1.3, fol. 10–11.
25. Rykwert offers a brief biography of Alberti in his introduction to On the Art of Building in Ten Books, ix–xxi; Palladio’s life is outlined by Tavernor in his introduction to The Four Books on Architecture, viii–xii.
26. A detailed biography of Wotton is given in Smith, The Life and Letters of Sir Henry Wotton, 1.1–226. This description of the volume is from Wotton’s handwritten inscription to Prince Charles, to whom he sent a copy (Smith, 2.284).
27. Smith, 2.284.
28. Harris with Savage, 499.
29. Wotton bargained with Buckingham by allowing Buckingham to sell two less prestigious offices that were due to revert directly to Wotton himself. These were the Mastership of the Rolls and half of a Six Clerk’s place in Chancery. For Wotton’s shrewd management of these bargaining chips, as well as his appeals to other patrons, see Smith, 1.199–201.
30. Cleland, The Institution of a Young Noble-Man, 91–92.
31. Vitruvius, Ten Books, 6.8, p. 84. Latin quotations from Vitruvius are taken from On Architecture, ed. and tr. Granger, 2.56, 58.
32. Harris, 501.
33. Alberti, Art of Building, 9.11, p. 318.
34. De l’Orme, 1.3, fol. 10 r. The French reads “que sa liberté doit estre exempte de toute contrainte & subjection d’esprit.”
35. Vitruvius, Ten Books, 6; Preface, p. 76.
36. For collaboration between patrons and craftsmen during this period, see Hunneyball, Architecture and Image Building in Seventeenth-Century Hertfordshire, 57.
37. Smith, 1.452, 460.
38. Mowl, 144. See also Gapper, Newman, and Ricketts, “Hatfield: A House for a Lord Treasurer,” 67–98.
39. Smith, 2.287.
40. Fowler, The Country House Poem, 99.
41. Lockyer, Buckingham: The Life and Political Career of George Villiers, First Duke of Buckingham, 1592–1628, 120–121.
42. On the shortage of architects, see Aubrey’s account of Wilton House in The Natural History of Wiltshire, compiled between 1656 and 1691. Aubrey claims that King Charles I, who “did love Wilton above all places . . . intended to have had it all designed by his own architect, Mr. Inigo Jones, who being at that time, about 1633, engaged in his Majesties buildings at Greenwich, could not attend to it; but he recommended it to an ingeniouse architect, Monsieur Solomon de Caus, a Gascoigne, who performed it very well; but not without the advice and approbation of Mr. Jones” (Aubrey, 83–84). Colvin has since proven that the architect of Wilton’s famous south front was not Solomon de Caus but his son or nephew, Isaac (“The South Front of Wilton House,” 136–157).
43. Vitruvius, Ten Books, 1.4, pp. 26–28; Alberti, Art of Building, 1.3–6, pp. 9–18; Wotton, 2–6.
44. For the supervisory role of the lord in the history of estate surveying, see McRae, 140–143, 192–194.
45. Alberti, Art of Building, 5.17, p. 145.
46. McRae, 180.
47. Vitruvius, Ten Books, 6.2, p. 78.
48. See, for instance, Fowler, 7–8; Heal, Hospitality in Early Modern England, 112–113; Mc-Clung, The Country House in English Renaissance Poetry, 105–106.
49. My readings of these poems, like this chapter as a whole, build on a significant body of scholarship surrounding the English country house. Other studies of the country house during this period include Cliffe’s The World of the Country House in Seventeenth-Century England, Howard’s The Building of Elizabethan and Jacobean England and The Early Tudor Country House, and Girouard’s Life in the English Country House and Robert Smythson and the Elizabethan Country House. Studies that consider the country house in the literary tradition include McBride’s Country House Discourse in Early Modern England, Fowler’s The Country House Poem, McClung’s The Country House in English Renaissance Poetry, and G. R. Hibbard’s “The Country House Poem of the Seventeenth Century,” 159–174.
50. See, for instance, McClung, 7–17; Fowler, 11–17.
51. For a rare and enlightening discussion of country house poetry’s debt to chorography and to other English representations of landscape, see McRae, 285–297.
52. Camden, Britannia, tr. Holland, 327.
53. Camden, Britannia, tr. Holland, 289, 420.
54. Adrian, Local Negotiations of English Nationhood, 1570–1680, 154.
55. Ben Jonson, “To Penshurst,” lines 1–6. Subsequent quotations are cited parenthetically by line number in the text.
56. See D. J. Gordon’s influential essay “Poet and Architect: The Intellectual Setting of the Quarrel between Ben Jonson and Inigo Jones,” 77–101. A. W. Johnson reproduces several pages of Jonson’s Vitruvius, including Jonson’s annotations in Ben Jonson: Poetry and Architecture, plates 1–7.
57. Fowler, 57.
58. This forgery is reproduced in the present day guidebook to the house and gardens, Penshurst Place and Gardens, 7.
59. Fowler, 57–58. On Robert Sidney’s financial difficulties, which Jonson may be ignoring or covering up in the poem, see McBride, 66–69.
60. Camden, Britannia, tr. Holland, 329.
61. Fowler, 60.
62. Wayne, Penshurst: The Semiotics of Place and the Poetics of History, 126–128.
63. Fowler, 92
64. Wotton, 116; Alberti, Art of Building, 2.1, p. 33.
65. Carew, “To My Friend G.N. from Wrest,” lines 9–10, 14–18. All subsequent quotations from the poem are cited parenthetically by line number in the text.
66. See, for instance, Vitruvius, Book 6, which discusses both the use and attractiveness of various elements of private buildings.
67. Fowler, 93; Anderson, “Learning to Read Architecture in the English Renaissance,” 239–242. Wells-Cole offers many examples of chimneypieces. See, for instance, his illustration of the overmantel at Castle Ashby, Northamptonshire, dated 1599 (57).
68. See Orgel and Strong, Inigo Jones: The Theatre of the Stuart Court, 2.567–597.
69. Carew, Coelum Britannicum, 2.
70. Carew, Coelum Britannicum, 1.
71. Marvell, “Upon Appleton House,” lines 1–10. All subsequent quotations from the poem are cited parenthetically by line number in the text.
72. Fowler, 296.
73. Vitruvius, Ten Books, 1.3, p. 25. For an intellectual history of this idea, see Body and Building: Essays on the Changing Relationship of Body and Architecture, ed. Dodds and Tavernor.
74. Alberti, Art of Building, 9.5, p. 302.
75. Fowler, 294–295.
76. Norden, The Surveyors Dialogue, 84.
77. Norden, The Surveyors Dialogue, 86.
CHAPTER 3: STRANGE ANTHOLOGIES: THE ALCHEMIST IN THE LONDON OF JOHN STOW
1. It is not my contention that Jonson drew directly on the Survey in writing The Alchemist. He was, however, familiar with some of Stow’s work. See his remark in the Conversations with Drummond: “John Stow had monstrous observations in his Chronicle, and was of his craft a tailor. ‘He and I walking alone, he asked two cripples what they would have to take him to their order’,” 608. Harry Levin discusses this remark at length in “Jonson, Stow, and Drummond,” 167–169.
2. Griffin, “Preserving and Reserving the Past in Stow’s Survey of London,” 57.
3. For comment on Stow’s nostalgia, see Griffin, 56–57; Howard, Theater of a City, 5–7; Lindley, Tomb Destruction and Scholarship, 75; Collinson, “John Stow and Nostalgic Antiquarianism,” 27–51; and Archer, “The Nostalgia of John Stow,” 17–34.
4. Howard, Theater of a City, 2.
5. For Jonson’s use of neo-Aristotelian unities, see Mardock, Our Scene Is London: Ben Jonson’s City and the Space of the Author, 87; Sterling, “Jonson and His Era: Overviews of Modern Research: Alchemist, The,” 115; Donaldson, Jonson’s Magic Houses, 90–91.
6. Jonson, The Alchemist, ed. F. H. Mares, 1.1.17, 4.1.131. All subsequent quotations from the play are cited parenthetically by act, scene, and line numbers in the text.
7. Mares, “Introduction,” lxiii–lxv; Donaldson, 66–105; Smallwood, “‘Here, in the Friars’: Immediacy and Theatricality in The Alchemist,” 149. For arguments that the play was first performed in the Globe, see Herford and Simpson’s commentary in Jonson, Works, 9.223; and Gibbons, “The Question of Place,” 35–36. Campbell raises the possibility that the play was first performed at the Globe but was intended to be performed at the Blackfriars (“Introduction,” xvii).
8. Mardock extends the implications of the identity between house and theater to argue that “[t]he house in the ’Friars allows Jonson to make the claim that the dramatic spatial practices of the theater can affect not only the potential worlds inside the playhouse, but also the urban world outside it,” 85. On the play’s meta-theatricality, see McEvoy, Ben Jonson: Renaissance Dramatist, 104–105; Evans, Habits of Mind: Evidence and Effects of Ben Jonson’s Reading, 149; Cave, Ben Jonson, 77–78; Riggs, Ben Jonson: A Life, 172.
9. Donaldson, 77. See also Barton, Ben Jonson, Dramatist, 143.
10. Stow apparently owned a copy of Leland’s itineraries, in exchange for which Camden offered him an annuity of eight pounds. Herendeen, From Landscape to Literature: The River and the Myth of Geography, 198.
11. See McIntosh, who argues that in The Alchemist, “the city is integral to the ways in which its citizens imagine themselves and carry out their attempts to climb the social ladder” (“Space, Place and Transformation in Eastward Ho! and The Alchemist,” 71).
12. Many critics have commented on the centrality of alchemy as the play’s unifying metaphor. Knapp notes that “alchemy was a practice familiar enough to signify a range of personal and social desires and yet sufficiently mystified to dazzle” (“The Work of Alchemy,” 576). See also Barton, 137; Flachmann, “Ben Jonson and the Alchemy of Satire,” 260; and Gibbons, Jacobean City Comedy, 169–170.
13. The Alchemist is dedicated to Lady Mary Wroth, the eldest daughter of Sir Robert Sidney and wife of the landowner addressed in Jonson’s estate poem “To Sir Robert Wroth” (Mares, 3–4). For Jonson’s interest in architecture, see A. W. Johnson, Ben Jonson: Poetry and Architecture, 9–19; and Gail Kern Paster, “Ben Jonson and the Uses of Architecture,” 306–320. See also Jonson’s remark in Discoveries, which compares the structural decorum of a literary work to that of a well-proportioned house (591). Studies that do consider the two works together include Donaldson (67–88) and Jenkins, Feigned Commonwealths: The Country House Poem and the Fashioning of the Ideal Community (45).
14. Schofield, The Building of London from the Conquest to the Great Fire, 147–148. See also Schofield, “The Topography and Buildings of London, ca. 1600,” 296–321. Stow also describes the fate of the priory, as well as its history in A Survey of London, 1.121–124. All quotations from Stow are hereafter cited parenthetically by volume and page numbers in the text.
15. For London’s mixture of social classes, see Peck, “Building, Buying, and Collecting in London, 1600–1625,” 277; and Schofield, “The Topography and Buildings of London,” 297.
16. Harding, “City, Capitol, and Metropolis: The Changing Shape of Seventeenth-Century London,” 127. For London’s crowded conditions, see also Orlin, “Boundary Disputes in Early Modern London,” 345–376. For the city’s changing demographics, see Griffiths, Landers, Pelling, and Tyson, “Population and Disease, Estrangement and Belonging, 1540–1700,” 2.195–233.
17. Hughes and Larkin, eds., Stuart Royal Proclamations, 1.111–112.
18. Hughes and Larkin, Stuart Royal Proclamations, 1.267. For a detailed and localized study of how such regulations were received and implemented, see Griffiths, “Politics Made Visible: Order, Residence and Uniformity in Cheapside, 1600–45,” 176–196.
19. Harrison, The Description of England, 197.
20. Harding, 127.
21. Archer, “Discourses of History in London,” 206; Turner, The English Renaissance Stage: Geometry, Poetics, and the Practical Spatial Arts, 1580–1630, 192.
22. Archer, “Discourses of History,” 206.
23. Collinson, “John Stow,” 34.
24. William Camden, Britannia, tr. Philemon Holland, 807–808.
25. Jonson, “To Penshurst,” line 102. Quotations from “To Penshurst” are hereafter cited parenthetically by line number in the text.
26. Harris, Untimely Matter in the Time of Shakespeare, 96–97.
27. Herendeen posits, “With the willful destruction of history’s treasures began a period of intense acquisitiveness” (From Landscape to Literature, 187).
28. Lindley, 75; Collinson, “John Stow,” 36–37; Archer, “The Nostalgia of John Stow,” 20–23.
29. For Stow’s treatment of charity in the Survey, see Archer, “The Nostalgia of John Stow,” 27–28.
30. Fitzherbert, Surveyenge, fol. 38 v–39 r. Camden, Britannia, tr. Holland, “The Author to the Reader,” 4–[5].
31. Hall, The Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Famelies of Lancastre & Yorke, SSS ii r.
32. Hosley, “The Second Blackfriars Playhouse,” 3.197–205.
33. Mardock comments on the necessity of “exerting a tight control over lieu” in the play, 87.
34. Jenkins comments on the significance of gender in this scene: “It is . . . a woman’s body rather than a man’s, that maps the ideological boundaries of The Alchemist’s ‘commonwealth’ of knaves” (49).
35. See, for instance, Knapp, who feels that the play does not deal with “alchemists who are, or believe they are, carrying out the alchemical project” (578).
36. For extensive discussion of alchemy as a process that “affects not metals, but human beings,” see Barton, 137–141.
37. Ripley, Compound of Alchymy, A 4 r.
38. For Jonson’s familiarity with alchemical treatises and terminology, see Linden, “Ben Jonson and the Drama of Alchemy,” in Darke Hierogliphicks: Alchemy in English Literature from Chaucer to the Reformation, 118–153; and Flachmann, 260.
39. Barton, 152.
40. On Jonson’s “anti-acquisitive attitude” in the play, see Knights, Drama and Society in the Age of Jonson, 206–210.
41. For comment on Lovewit’s imposition of order, see Barton, 150–151; and Gibbons, Jacobean City Comedy, 176.
42. Gibbons, Jacobean City Comedy, 178.
CHAPTER 4: RESTORING “THE CHURCH-PORCH”: GEORGE HERBERT’S ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY
1. Extended modern discussions dedicated specifically to “The Church-porch” are few. See Summers, “Introduction” in Selected Poetry of George Herbert, xiii–xxiii; Kessner, “Entering ‘The Church-Porch’: Herbert and Wisdom Poetry,” 10–25; Hinman, “The ‘Verser’ at The Temple Door: Herbert’s ‘The Church-porch’,” 55–75; Anselment, “Seventeenth-Century Adaptations of ‘The Church-porch’,” 63–69; and Powers-Beck, “‘The Church-porch’ and George Herbert’s Family Advice” in Writing the Flesh: The Herbert Family Dialogue, 59–94. For briefer treatments see Strier, “George Herbert and the World,” 225–232; Bloch, Spelling the Word: George Herbert and the Bible, 180–188; Singleton, God’s Courtier: Configuring a Different Grace in George Herbert’s Temple, 164–173; Shuger, Habits of Thought in the English Renaissance, 93–105; and Malcolmson, Heart-work: George Herbert and the Protestant Ethic, 70–81. Influential modern studies which do not treat the poem in depth include Rickey, Utmost Art; Vendler, The Poetry of George Herbert; Fish, The Living Temple: George Herbert and Catechizing; Strier, Love Known: Theology and Experience in George Herbert’s Poetry; Schoenfeldt, Prayer and Power: George Herbert and Renaissance Courtship; Hodgkins, Authority, Church, and Society in George Herbert: Return to the Middle Way. In his recent study of the intrusive “untimely matter” of Herbert’s poetry, Harris neglects “The Church-porch,” which we might call the most emphatically material of Herbert’s poems, despite the fact that its objects take on the sort of polychronic valences with which Harris is concerned in Untimely Matter in the Time of Shakespeare, 32–65.
2. Strier, comparing the poem to works by François de Sales and John Donne, describes “The Church-porch” as “the crudest and nastiest of the texts” and suggests that Herbert later came to feel “revulsion against the attitudes that he there expressed” (“Sanctifying the Aristocracy: ‘Devout Humanism’ in François de Sales, John Donne, and George Herbert,” 38). James Boyd White describes the poem as “deeply flawed: by banality, by the emergence of destructive and selfish impulses, and by blindness to its own nature” (“This Book of Starres”: Learning to Read George Herbert, 71). More mildly, Benet contrasts the poem with “Herbert’s best poems,” those which “praise God and instruct the reader without alienating by direct assaults” (Secretary of Praise: The Poetic Vocation of George Herbert, 36).
3. Summers, xiii.
4. Summers, xiv.
5. Martz, The Poetry of Meditation; Lewalski, “Artful Psalms from the Temple in the Heart” in Protestant Poetics and the Seventeenth-Century Religious Lyric, 283–316; and Strier, Love Known.
6. For instance, see readings of “The Altar” by Targoff and Guibbory. Targoff writes: “On the one hand, Herbert offers the equivalent of wordless sighs and groans; on the other hand, he proposes a formalized prayer composed in the shape of an altar” (Common Prayer: The Language of Public Devotion in Early Modern England, 101). Similarly, in a chapter entitled “Devotion in The Temple and the Art of Contradiction,” Guibbory concludes: “Herbert shares [the] puritan fear of framing or fashioning an idol. Yet his suspicion of art and invention in worship is at odds with his hopes for the poem’s legitimacy and his claims for its devotional function” (Ceremony and Community from Herbert to Milton, 48). See also Whalen, “George Herbert’s Sacramental Puritanism,” 1273–1307.
7. In addition to Guibbory and Targoff, see Davidson, “George Herbert and Stained Glass Windows,” 29–39; Cunnar, “Herbert and the Visual Arts: Ut Pictura Poesis: An Opening in ‘The Windows’,” 101–138; and Johnson, “Recreating the Word: Typology in Herbert’s ‘The Altar’,” 55–65.
8. Anselment, 63; Leach, “More Seventeenth-Century Admirers of Herbert,” 62–63.
9. Friar, The Sutton Companion to the English Parish Church, 356.
10. Pounds, A History of the English Parish: The Culture of Religion from Augustine to Victoria, 373.
11. Malcolmson comments briefly on the historical uses of the porch, but beyond noting that the porch was sometimes also associated with childhood education, she does not reflect extensively on the connections between the poem and its architectural setting (George Herbert: A Literary Life, 58–59).
12. Charles, A Life of George Herbert, 78. See, for instance, lines 85–90, which address magistrates, students, and soldiers. The topics of gentility and social class in the poem have been usefully discussed at Summers, xv; Strier, “Sanctifying the Aristocracy,” 44–58; Malcolmson, George Herbert: A Literary Life, 58–59; and Powers-Beck, 60–95.
13. Porches dating from before the thirteenth century are rare, but by the fourteenth century they were “regarded as a necessity” (Brown, The English Village Church, 113–114). For other summaries of the porch’s development and historical functions, see Barr, Anglican Church Architecture, 32–33; Dyer, Church-Lore Gleanings, 39–52; Wall, Porches and Fonts, vii–174; Cox and Ford, The Parish Churches of England, 41–43, 71–72; Boyle, Old Parish Churches and How to View Them, 24–26, 78–79; Anderson, Looking for History in British Churches, 74–76; Betjeman, ed. Collins Guide to English Parish Churches, Including the Isle of Man, 25–26; and Clifton-Taylor, English Parish Churches as Works of Art, 121–122.
14. Bond, An Introduction to English Church Architecture from the Eleventh to the Sixteenth Century, 2.731, 733. Bond offers an exceptionally thorough history of church porches (2.718–734).
15. Wall, Porches and Fonts, 218, 223–225.
16. Chaucer, “The Wife of Bath’s Prologue,” line 5.
17. Fletcher, “Brigham Church,” 161–162.
18. Wall, Porches and Fonts, 15. See also Herrick, “The Entertainment; or, Porch Verse,” 124.
19. Friar, 241.
20. Wall, Porches and Fonts, 174. A conversation in Notes and Queries of 1908 indicates that directives about pattens (protective footwear) were not uncommon. See, for instance, Page, “Pattens in the Church Porch,” 268. Betjeman, in deriding the work of Victorian church restorer J. P. St. Aubyn, remarks that he often “left his mark at the church porch in the form of a scraper [for boots and shoes] of his own design, as practical and unattractive as his work” (27).
21. See Bond, 2.733; Circket, ed. English Wills, 1498–1526, 15, 27, 65; Ware, “Notes upon the Parish Church of Kirkby Lonsdale,” 198; and Richards, Old Cheshire Churches, 25.
22. Dyer, 39–40.
23. Paterson, “The Church Porch,” 303.
24. See, for instance, Hailey, Notes and Queries, 284, who records a similar instance of 1751.
25. Bond, 2.734.
26. Creed, “The Church of St. Peter and St. Paul, Eye,” 129.
27. A.S., Notes and Queries, 597. See also Bumpus, London Churches, Ancient and Modern, 1.232n.
28. Bond, 2.733.
29. Anderson, Looking for History, 76.
30. Clifton-Taylor, 122.
31. In some descriptions, the upper chamber of a porch is referred to as a parvise, but most ecclesiologists insist this term is not technically accurate. For the etymology and significance of the word, see Bond, 2.727–728n. For specific instances of porch chambers as chapels, see Bell, Bedforshire Wills, 1484–1533, 31, 177; and Rodwell and Rouse, “The Anglo-Saxon Rood and Other Features in the South Porch of St. Mary’s Church, Breamore, Hampshire,” 298–325.
32. Clifton-Taylor, 122.
33. Evelyn, Diary, ed. Bédoyère, 21.
34. Price, “St. Sepulchre’s, London: The Church Porch,” 366–367; Rogers, “Keeping School in the Parvise over the Church Porch,” 394; Dyer, 43.
35. Anselment, 63.
36. Palmer, “E.C. Lowe’s Edition of George Herbert’s ‘Church Porch’,” 442. Benet notes that John Ruskin enthusiastically planned a similar undertaking (35n6).
37. “Cheltenham Church,” 65; Anderson, Looking for History, 76; Clifton-Taylor, 122; Cox and Ford, 43; Bumpus, 1.232.
38. Brown, The English Village Church, 117. See also Richards, who noted in the porch chamber of St. Mary, Astbury, “old vestment chests, the remains of a chained library, part of an early fifteenth-century screen, pewter flagons, old alms pans, and sections of a fourteenth-century pavement and many curious old items of long ago” (26).
39. For the Chatterton story, see Lewis, “St. Mary Redcliffe: A Life’s Failure” in Cathedrals, Abbeys and Churches of England and Wales, 3.398–404; and Meyerstein, A Life of Thomas Chatterton, 104–128.
40. One complaint about the poem has been its seeming randomness. See, for instance, White, who writes, “The speaker meanders from topic to topic in a kind of random way” (71), while Summers suggests that the repetition may be partly attributed to Herbert’s revisions and excuses it on the grounds that “seventy-seven stanzas of imperative moral advice are a large number for anyone to manage without repetition” (xv).
41. See, for instance, Walker, “The Architectonics of George Herbert’s The Temple,” 289–305; Kessner, “Entering ‘The Church-porch’: Herbert and Wisdom Poetry,” 10–25; Malcolmson, Heart-work, 79–80; Dyck, “Locating the Word: The Textual Church and George Herbert’s Temple,” 228.
42. Martz, 291.
43. Adrian, Local Negotiations of English Nationhood: 1570–1680, 109.
44. See, for instance, Cautley, Norfolk Churches, 10; Boyle, 25; Brown, The English Village Church, 113.
45. Quotations from the poem are cited parenthetically by line number and are taken from The English Poems of George Herbert, ed. Wilcox.
46. Bond, 2.733.
47. See, for instance, Kessner, “Entering ‘The Church-porch’”; Bloch, 176–189; and Summers, xvii.
48. Summers, xiii; White, 69.
49. Bloch, 185.
50. Summers, xiv.
51. Cooley, ‘Full of All Knowledg’: George Herbert’s Country Parson and Early Modern Social Discourse, 84–85, 96–97.
52. For the historical connections between heraldry and church architecture, see Poole, A History of Ecclesiastical Architecture in England, 209–210.
53. Herbert, Outlandish Proverbs Selected by Mr. G.H.
54. Stein writes that, in “The Church-porch,” “we must not expect to find answers to any of our important questions. . . . The faults of dull rhythm and language and of strained wit are not instructive, nor do we need to study, in Herbert, examples of coarse or flat colloquialism in order to distinguish these from the superior precision of refined colloquialism” (George Herbert’s Lyrics, 13–14).
55. See, for instance, Summers, xviii; and Strier, “Sanctifying the Aristocracy,” 50–53.
56. Summers, xviii.
57. Strier, “Sanctifying the Aristocracy,” 50.
58. I thus disagree strongly with Strier, who concludes from these passages: “With regard to social rather than strictly economic life, hoarding, calculation, and thrift are entirely approved in ‘The Church-porch.’ Individual survival and gain are the only concerns. The poem contains no vision of community” (“Sanctifying the Aristocracy,” 52–53). Rather, I would argue, the poem teaches that social, economic, and communal behaviors are inseparable from one another.
59. Strier, “George Herbert and the World,” 227.
60. For the poem’s sartorial themes, see lines 80, 179–192, 371–372, 407–408, 410–414, and 419–420. I agree with Malcolmson’s useful point that Herbert does not suggest that “aspects of gentry lifestyle are trivial or expendable,” but our interpretations diverge in that Malcolmson sees the poem as being structured around a contrast or tension between the internal and external identities of the listener, where one must finally be shed in order to expose the other (Heart-work, 79). For a similar view of the relationship between social and sacred in the poem, see Singleton, 172–173.
61. Summers, xxii.
62. I would argue that in blending the introspection, experience, and emotion of the individual with his quotidian action in the external world, these final stanzas of the poem complicate readings that center on a tension between internal and external forms of religious experience or between social and interior constructions of the religious subject. In addition to Malcolmson, Heart-work, 70–83, and Singleton, 164–173, see Shuger, 93–105, where she posits the emergence of a “dual person” as we move from the “The Church-porch” to “The Church” (105). I would not, of course, dispute Shuger’s point that the latter is far less concerned with social behavior.
63. Wall, Porches and Fonts, 173. For more examples, see Wall, 172–174; Richards, 49, 331; Ware, 198; Creed, 127–29; and Smithe, “Notes on the Church of St. Bartholomew, Church-down,” 282–284. Gifts for the porch were apparently a very popular way to show devotion, because the porch was so publically visible. See Pounds, who writes: “In no aspect of the parish church were pride and emulation more visibly demonstrated than in the building of the tower and the porch. The tower had no liturgical significance, and the porch but little. Yet . . . in parish after parish, large sums were lavished on both,” 373.
64. Richards, 181.
65. Smithe, 282.
66. Waters, “Thornbury Church,” 86.
67. Creed, 129. The inscription is also recorded in Anderson, Looking for History, 75, and Cautley, Suffolk Churches and Their Treasures, 51.
68. Smyth, Autobiography in Early Modern England, 159–208.
69. Powys, The English Parish Church, 52–53, 54.
70. Richardson, The Changing Face of English Local History.
CHAPTER 5: CONSTRUCTION SITES: THE ARCHITECTURE OF ANNE CLIFFORD’S DIARIES
1. Clifford, The Diaries of Lady Anne Clifford, ed. D. J. H. Clifford, 117. Hereafter cited parenthetically in the text as Diaries, with page numbers. The most thorough account of the legal proceedings is provided by Spence, Lady Anne Clifford, 40–58. For comment on the biographical and legal content of Clifford’s writings and buildings, see, for instance Salzman, Reading Early Modern Women’s Writing, 90–108; Seelig, Autobiography and Gender in Early Modern Literature: Reading Women’s Lives, 1660–1680, 34–72; Wiseman, “Knowing Her Place: Anne Clifford and the Politics of Retreat,” 199–213; Suzuki, “Anne Clifford and the Gendering of History,” 195–229; Klein, “Lady Anne Clifford as Mother and Matriarch: Domestic and Dynastic Issues in Her Life and Writings,” 18–38; O’Connor, “Representations of Intimacy in the Life-Writing of Anne Clifford and Anne Dormer,” 79–96; Friedman, “Constructing an Identity in Prose, Plaster, and Paint: Lady Anne Clifford as Writer and Patron of the Arts,” 359–376, and “Inside/Out: Women, Domesticity, and the Pleasures of the City,” 229–250.
2. Both twentieth-century editions of the diaries—the first edited by Vita Sackville-West (The Diary of the Lady Anne Clifford) in 1924, the second by D. J. H. Clifford in 1990—include fragments of Clifford’s much briefer early diaries, which cover four nonconsecutive years between 1603 and 1619. These have survived, separately from the Great Books, in two transcriptions, one of which is now in the Centre for Kentish Studies in Maidstone. The other remains in the collection of the Marquess of Bath. The diaries covering the years 1616–1619 have been published in a critical edition by Acheson, The Diary of Anne Clifford, 1616–1619.
3. See, for instance, Kunin, “From the Desk of Anne Clifford,” 587–608; Salzman, 97; and Wiseman, 199.
4. See for instance, Spence, Lady Anne, 170–172.
5. See Chew, “A Mockery of the Surveyor’s Style?: Alternatives to Inigo Jones in Seventeenth-Century Elite British Architecture,” 57–95; McBride, Country House Discourse in Early Modern England, 77–78; Friedman, “Constructing an Identity,” 369; Cocke, “Classical or Gothic?: Lady Anne Clifford Reconsidered,” 324–326; and Henry Summerson, “The History of the Castle,” 7–78, esp. 51–53.
6. On the impersonal nature of the diaries, see, for example, Salzman, 93–94; and Seelig, 57. Several critics have collected scattered details from throughout the diaries in order to analyze Clifford’s treatment of particular themes. Lamb, for instance, notes the multiple instances in which the diary records the titles of books Clifford was reading; Lamb suggests possible motivations for Clifford’s choices in “The Agency of the Split Subject: Lady Anne Clifford and the Uses of Reading,” 347–368. Klein looks at Clifford’s notations of children’s births and deaths, and Suzuki considers how Clifford’s portrayals of women in history respond to those of male historians, such as Samuel Daniel, who tutored Clifford when she was young.
7. Spence, Lady Anne, 108.
8. For a photograph of the inscription, see Spence, Lady Anne, 203.
9. Reproduced in Summerson, “History of the Castle,” 52. The panel is now on display in the museum adjacent to the castle.
10. Isa. 58:12 (KJV).
11. Spence, The Privateering Earl, 7.
12. Clifford, Great Books of Record, 2.485. Subsequent references to unpublished material from the Great Books are to this record and are cited parenthetically by volume and page number in the text. Quotations are reproduced with the kind permission of the Cumbria Archive Centre, Kendal.
13. Ps. 107: 3–4 (KJV).
14. Spence, Lady Anne, 6.
15. D. J. H. Clifford suggests that this was Edward Hassell, her private secretary and one of the four different scribes to whom she dictated her final entries.
16. Chew, “‘Repaired by me to my exceeding great Cost and Charges’: Anne Clifford and the Uses of Architecture,” 111. For further discussion of this practice of repetition, see also Chew, “Si(gh)ting the Mistress of the House: Anne Clifford and Architectural Space,” 167–182.
17. For an art-historical interpretation of Clifford’s monuments, see Cocke, “Repairer of the Breach,” 84–86. Spence notes that some biographers have read the monuments to her parents as barometers of her relative affection for each (Lady Anne, 224). Clifford had commissioned work on monuments twice before: a restoration of Edmund Spenser’s monument in Westminster Abbey by the eminent mason Nicholas Stone in 1620, and a monument to her cousin Frances Bourchier in the Bedford Chapel at Chenies in 1615 (Spence, Lady Anne, 67, 68, 70).
18. Wordsworth, “Essay upon Epitaphs I,” 2:58.
19. Williamson, Lady Anne Clifford, Countess of Dorset, Pembroke and Montgomery, 1590–1676, 408.
20. Weever, Ancient Funerall Monuments, 5.
21. Complete transcriptions of Anne’s and Margaret’s tombs are included in Bellasis, Westmorland Church Notes, 1.7, 24. They are here transcribed from a photograph by the author.
22. For a complete transcription of the epitaphs on the Clifford Tombs in Skipton, see Pyrah, The Parish Church of the Holy Trinity Skipton: A History and Guide, 10–14.
23. Williamson, 411.
24. For a photograph of the Daniel monument, see Spence, Lady Anne, 154.
25. See Spence, Lady Anne, 38. Margaret Clifford’s will is compiled with other family documents in Clay, “The Clifford Family,” 355–411.
26. In addition to Weever’s Ancient Funerall Monuments, see Camden, Reges, Reginae, Nobiles et Alij in Ecclesia Collegiata B. Petri Westmonasterij Sepulti.
27. Dates of birth and death for Clifford’s ancestors are taken from the genealogical table provided by D. J. H. Clifford in his edition of the Diaries, vi–vii.
28. Camden, Britannia, tr. Philemon Holland, 288.
29. Clifford, Great Books of Record, 1.106,161, 188. For a list of the books depicted in the Appleby Triptych, see Spence, Lady Anne, 190–191.
30. Orgel, “Marginal Maternity: Reading Lady Anne Clifford’s A Mirror for Magistrates,” 267–290.
31. Ziegler, “Lady Anne Clifford Reads John Selden,” 3. Letter from Anne Clifford to Elizabeth Grey, February 10, 1650, BL, Harl. 7001, fol. 212, quoted in Spence, Lady Anne, 141.
32. Spence, Lady Anne, 167.
33. Spence, Lady Anne, 219–220. Clifford’s contact with Dodsworth, Dugdale, and other antiquaries is described in detail on 165–172.
34. See Lewalski, Writing Women in Jacobean England, 137. In her assertion that Clifford could not read Latin, Lewalski refers to Clifford’s own remark in her summary of her mother’s life, as reprinted in Clifford, Lives of Lady Anne Clifford and of Her Parents, 28.
35. Parry, The Trophies of Time: English Antiquarians of the Seventeenth Century, 235.
36. Parry, 236.
37. Dodsworth and Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, vol. 1, plate between pp. 18 and 19. Engraving by Daniel King.
38. Dodsworth and Dugdale, vol. 1, pl. between pp. 56 and 57. Engraving by Daniel King.
39. Dodsworth and Dugdale, vol. 1, pl. between pp. 62 and 63. Engraving by Daniel King.
40. Spence, Lady Anne, 168–169.
41. Fuller, The Church-History of Britain from the Birth of Jesus Christ, Untill the Year M. DC. XLVIII, book 6, p. 325.
42. Tanner, Notitia Monastica, or a Short History of the Religious Houses in England and Wales, a 3 r.
43. See, for instance, Stow’s description of Austin Friars in A Survey of London, 1.176–177. For the details of the settlement, see Spence, Lady Anne, 57.
44. Spence, Lady Anne, 166.
45. Dodsworth and Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum.
46. Camden, Britannia, tr. Holland, 212.
47. Summerson, “History of the Castle,” 54.
48. Charlton, “The Lady Anne Clifford,” 310.
49. Leland and Bale, The Laboryouse Journey and Serche of Johan Leylande, for Englandes Antiquitees, B ii r.
50. See, for instance, my introduction, p. 14.
51. For a description of St. Michael, Bongate, see Pevsner, The Buildings of England: Cumberland and Westmorland, 218. For the gateway at Skipton Castle, see Charlton, 307. For the window at Holy Trinity Church, Skipton, see Cocke, “Classical or Gothic?” 326. For the church at Ninekirks, see Cocke, “Repairer of the Breach,” 86. Inscriptions at Skipton and Appleby were observed by the author in August 2004, at which time the characters in brackets were no longer visible.
52. Dodsworth, Yorkshire Church Notes, 1619–1631. See also Hunter, “A Catalogue of the Manuscripts Written or Collected by that Eminent Antiquary Roger Dodsworth and Now Deposited in the Bodleian Library” in Three Catalogues, 69–72.
53. Camden, Britannia, tr. Holland, 271.
54. “Author to the Reader,” in Weever, [2].
55. Dugdale, The History of St. Paul’s Cathedral in London, title page.
56. Rainbow, A Sermon Preached at the Funeral of the Right Honorable Anne, Countess of Pembroke, Dorset, and Montgomery, 4, 15.
57. Rainbow, 16, 18.
58. Rainbow, 67–68.
59. Rainbow, 40.
60. Woolf, “Donne After Three Centuries,” 34.
61. Clifford’s will is transcribed in Clay, 401.
62. Williamson, 412.
63. Daniel, Certaine Small Workes Heretofore Divulged by Samuel Daniel, A 2 r. For Daniel’s influence on Clifford’s education, see Spence, Lady Anne, 12–17.
64. Reproduced in Williamson, 422.
65. Spence, Lady Anne, 129.
66. Williamson, 422.
CHAPTER 6: RECOLLECTIONS: JOHN EVELYN AND THE HISTORIES OF RESTORATION ARCHITECTURE
1. Colvin, A Biographical Dictionary of English Architects, 1660–1840, 3rd ed., 357–358.
2. Evelyn, The Diary and Correspondence of John Evelyn, F.R.S., ed. Bray, 3.188. For Evelyn’s plans for the rebuilding of London following the Great Fire, see Evelyn, London Revived: Consideration for Its Rebuilding in 1666.
3. Chaney, “Evelyn, Inigo Jones, and the Collector Earl of Arundel,” 53.
4. Shiqiao, Power and Virtue: Architecture and Intellectual Change in England, 1660–1730, 33; Friedman, “John Evelyn and English Architecture,” 157; Downes, “John Evelyn and Architecture: A First Inquiry,” 32.
5. Bowle, John Evelyn and His World: A Biography, 128.
6. Miller, The Restoration and the England of Charles II, 14.
7. Keeble, The Restoration: England in the 1660s, 69; D. [Dauncey?], The History of His Sacred Majesty Charles the II, 21.
8. Evelyn, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. de Beer, 2.343, 2.478. For comment on Evelyn’s activities as a collector, see Chaney, “Evelyn, Inigo Jones, and the Collector Earl of Arundel,” 37–60, and “The Italianate Evolution of English Collecting,” 61. See also Hunter, “John Evelyn in the 1650s: A Virtuoso in Quest of a Role,” 79–106; and Friedman, “John Evelyn and English Architecture,” 161.
9. Evelyn, Diary of John Evelyn, ed. de Beer, 3.495–496.
10. Evelyn, Diary and Correspondence of John Evelyn, F.R.S., ed. Bray, 3.304.
11. De Beer concludes that the diary “becomes a contemporary document from about the beginning of 1684” (Evelyn, Diary of John Evelyn, 1.74). For Evelyn’s use and borrowing of various source materials, see de Beer’s detailed commentary on 1.85–105.
12. Fréart, A Parallel of the Antient Architecture with the Modern, tr. Evelyn, 17, 19. All subsequent references to this edition are cited parenthetically by page number in the text.
13. The modern Italian authors the Parallèle includes are Leon Battista Alberti (1404–1472), architect and author of De re aedifactoria (Florence, 1485); Sebastiano Serlio (1475–c. 1555), architect and author of Tutte l’opere d’architettura (Venice, 1584); Giacomo Barozzi da Vignola (1507–1573), architect and author of La regola dell cinque ordini d’architettura (Rome, 1652); Andrea Palladio (1508–1580), architect and author of I Quattro libri de architettura (Venice, 1570); Pietro Cataneo (b. c. 1510, d. after 1571), author of I quattro primi libri de architecttura (Venice, 1554) and L’architettura de Pietro Cataneo (Venice, 1567); Daniele Barbaro (1514–1570), translator of and commentator on Vitruvius, patron of Palladio, editor and translator of I dieci libri dell’architettura de M. Vitruvio (Venice, 1556); Vincenzo Scamozzi (1548–1616), architect and author of L’idea dell’architettura universale (Venice, 1615); and Giuseppi Viola Zanini (?1575–1631), architect and author of Della architettura di Gioseffe Viola padovano pittore ed architetto (Padua, 1629). The Frenchmen are Philibert de l’Orme (1514–1570), architect and author of Nouvelles inventions pour bien bastir et à petits fraiz (Paris, 1561), Le premier tome de l’architecture (Paris, 1567), and Architecture de Philibert de l’Orme (Rouen, 1648); and Jean Bullant (c. 1515–1578), architect and author of Reigle généralle d’architecture des cinq manières de colonnes à l’exemple d l’antique suivant les reigles et doctrine de Vitruve (Paris, 1564).
14. Asfour and Bull, “Fréart,” in Grove Art Online. Oxford Art Online (accessed July 14, 2009). For a more extensive analysis of Fréart as architectural theorist, see Lemerle-Pauwels and Stanic, “Introduction générale.”
15. Friedman, “John Evelyn and English Architecture,” 157.
16. Palladio, The Four Books of Architecture, 3.163.
17. Southcombe and Tapsell, Restoration, Politics, Religion, and Culture, 9, 10.
18. Great Britain, “An Act of Free and Generall Pardon Indempnity and Oblivion,” 5.226.
19. Great Britain, “An Act for a Perpetuall Anniversary Thanksgiveing on the nine and twentieth day of May,” 5.237.
20. Keeble, 69; Charles II, His Majesties Gracious Letter and Declaration Sent to the House of Peers by Sir John Grenvil, Kt. From Breda: And Read in the House the First of May, 1660, 9.
21. Marvell, “Upon Appleton House,” line 2.
22. For Evelyn’s plans for the rebuilding of London, as well as his verbal commentary, see Evelyn, London Revived.
23. Colvin, The History of the King’s Works, 5.5.
24. Evelyn, Diary of John Evelyn, ed. de Beer, 3.301.
25. Evelyn, “Account of Architects and Architecture,” in Roland Fréart, A Parallel of the Antient Architecture with the Modern, tr. John Evelyn (1707), 10 of “Account.”
26. See Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, 1.1, pp. 21–24.
27. See Vitruvius, On Architecture, 6.9, pp. 56–59.
28. Swann, Curiosities and Texts, 99.
29. De Krey, Restoration and Revolution in Britain: A Political History of the Era of Charles II and the Glorious Revolution, 27.
30. Evelyn, “Account of Architects and Architecture,” (1707), 9 of “Account.”
31. Swann, 10.
32. Pearce, “Objects as Meaning; or Narrating the Past,” 27, 28.
33. Evelyn, Numismata, 49.
34. Stewart, On Longing, 156.
35. Scott, England’s Troubles: Seventeenth-Century English Political Instability in European Context, 162.
36. Stewart, 151.
37. Zwicker, “Irony, Modernity, and Miscellany: Politics and Aesthetics in the Stuart Restoration,” 182.
38. Wall, The Literary and Cultural Spaces of Restoration London, 44.
39. Perks, Essays on Old London, 48.
40. Stewart, 152.
41. Evelyn, “To My Most Honoured Friend, Sir Christopher Wren, Kt,” [2].
42. Evelyn, “To My Most Honoured Friend,” [1].
CODA: ST. HELEN’S BISHOPSGATE: ANTIQUARIANISM AND AESTHETICS IN MODERN LONDON
1. Cameron, “In the Matter of the Petition of the Incumbent and Churchwardens of the Parish of St Helen Bishopsgate with St Andrew Undershaft and St Ethelburga Bishopsgate and St Martin Outwich and St Mary Axe Relating to the Church of St Helen Bishopsgate,” 2. Records of the Consistory Court hearing, as well as Terry’s proposals for the rebuilding, are preserved by the London Metropolitan Archives DL/A/C/MS30779/37. Quotations are reproduced by the kind permission of the London Metropolitan Archives and the Registrar of the Church of England Diocese of London.
2. St Helen’s Church, [1].
3. See Terry, “The Authority for Architecture,” 77–80, and “Architecture and Theology,” 137. For accounts and illustrations of Terry’s body of work and aesthetic convictions, see Watkin, Radical Classicism: The Architecture of Quinlan Terry; and Aslet, Quinlan Terry: The Revival of Architecture.
4. Terry, “Origins of the Orders,” 29–33.
5. Martin, “News Week,” 24.
6. Melhuish, “St Helen’s Bishopsgate,” 56.
7. For further description and illustration of the finished building, see St Helen’s Church, and Watkin, 246–253.
8. Barker, “Proof of Evidence of Ashley Barker,” 31. Among his many qualifications, Barker listed his status as a Fellow of the Royal Institute of British Architects, the Society of Antiquaries, and the Ancient Monuments Society; his former official employment as a specialist in historic buildings by the Greater London Council and English Heritage; and his former status as Surveyor of Historic Buildings for the Greater London Council and Head of the London Division of English Heritage (Barker, 1).
9. Andreae, Letter to the Reverend Gordon Watkins, [1].
10. Cameron, 3.
11. For a description of the major monuments of the church, see Barker, 14–16.
12. Barker, 32.
13. Terry, “Proof of Evidence of Quinlan Terry,” 2.
14. Sell, “Proof of Evidence by John Russell Sell, RIBA, SPAB,” 5; Hobhouse, Letter to Gordon Watkins, [2].
15. Terry, “Proof of Evidence,” 15.
16. Terry, “Proof of Evidence,” 41.
17. Andreae, [2].
18. Stow, A Survey of London, 1.171–174.
19. Terry, “Proof of Evidence,” 22. For a history of alterations to the church from the thirteenth through the twentieth centuries, see Cameron, 15–23. For the emphasis on a “preaching ministry,” see Lucas, “Testimony of the Revd Lucas,” [7–9].
20. Norman, Letter to Gordon Watkins, [1].
21. Sell, 5.
22. Andreae, [1].
23. Hobhouse, [1–2].
24. Wilson, “Vandals in Dog Collars.”
25. Lucas, [9].
26. Marvell, “Upon Appleton House,” line 2.
27. Terry, “Proof of Evidence,” 41.
28. Lucas, [11]; Cameron, 74.
29. Andreae, [1].
30. Marvell, lines 5, 6.
31. Barker, 5.
32. Barker, 30.
33. Barker, 32.
34. Terry, “Proof of Evidence,” 21.
35. See Vitruvius, On Architecture, 1.3, pp. 34–35. Vitruvius’s terms are “firmitas,” “utilitas,” and “venustas,” translated by Granger as “strength,” “utility,” and “grace.”
36. Terry, “Proof of Evidence,” 21.
37. Piloti, “The Great Architect of the Universe Arrives.”
38. Terry, quoted by Melhuish, 56.
39. Lucas, [8].
40. Lucas, [9].
41. Terry, “Proof of Evidence,” 39.
42. St Helen’s Church, [1].
43. Stewart, On Longing, 151.
44. Barker, 31.
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