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65 4 Emerging Trends in Self-Determination INTRODUCTION Today’s world is experiencing rapidly unfolding change, but has not yet produced a new reality. Hence, concepts, institutions, and practices that are on their way out exist side by side with those that remain pertinent even as new, unprecedented ones are beginning to exert their influence . However, political actors, as is often the case during such times, continue to employ traditional concepts of the state and nation when framing their positions for or against the rising demands for self-determination . State authorities continue to harp on such concepts as sovereignty , territorial integrity, and national independence when in reality they are conceding these attributes of modern statehood, whether willingly or unwillingly, to growing internal and external pressures discussed earlier. Thus, they often appear to be defending powers that they don’t really exercise in full. Those who are pursuing self-determination in order to create smaller replicas of existing states find themselves in a comparable situation. They are fighting for powers that they too would not exercise in full. Interdependence, at the regional and global levels, has been on the rise since the end of the Second World War, and it imposes severe limitations on the degree of independence of existing and potential states, as Elazar (1997: 91) notes. This phenomenon has been occurring at a more rapid rate particularly in the post-Cold War period and is likely to continue to do so for the foreseeable future. A qualitative transformation of people-to-state relations would thus appear to be a better response than merely a quantitative growth or a decrease in the number of states. However, this option is often disregarded by those who demand independent statehood as well as those who oppose such a demand. Both sides articulate their respective positions by overlooking the limitations placed on actual independence by the logic of rising regional and global interdependence. They are stuck with traditional notions of the state while the architecture and functions of the state are undergoing major shifts. Thus, the field is left free for the “tyranny of established concepts and practices” to continue to wreak havoc on the lives and livelihoods of more and more societies. Clearly, those who are working for self-determination can hope to play a progressive role only if they manage to situate their political discourse within the positive aspects of emerging global political trends. Their demands must be articulated in terms that indicate their awareness of the changed architecture and function of the state. As Michael Keating writes, “Since the state itself is changing in form and functions, so must nationalist doctrine and strategy, and we can see the re-emergence of minority nationalism as in part a response to these changes” (1998: 38). One should not underestimate the challenge posed by such a rearticulation of nationalist doctrine and strategy. As Watson remarks, “all too many statesmen, the media and popular opinion glorify independence” (1997: 2). But dispensing with the familiar doctrines and strategies whose emotive power is proven is indisputably very difficult, although it is very much in need. There is yet another challenge. Political mobilization often demands a simplification of concepts and practices. Unfortunately, the world in which we operate is complex and is becoming increasingly so. Unless this is accounted for, however, the simplistic pronouncements of political actors will not only remain out of sync with reality but will also be untranslatable into constructive practice. The end result will only be the ultimate disillusionment of the concerned constituencies, as has happened in Africa’s experience with decolonization. Identity Formulation: Defining the “Self” Several points of departure appear necessary when rearticulating nationalist doctrine and strategy in order to render them more resonant with contemporary reality. The first concerns an identity formulation process that takes into account the complexity this entails. Second, such a formulation of identity should be based on respect for democracy and human rights and the willingness to rigorously uphold them. Admittedly, it is much easier to state this than to translate it into practice. As it is, determining the people or the self that deserves self-determination has always been very contentious. This difficulty stretches all the way back to the tumultuous events that kicked off the French Revolution.Only by learning from that and plentiful subsequent historical incidents can any group The Horn of Africa as Common Homeland 66 [3.142.53.68] Project MUSE (2024-04-18 17:33 GMT) hope...

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