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[373] NOTES Introduction 1. On U.S. political repression of blacks, labor, and leftists, see Herbert Shapiro, White Violence, Black Response (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988); Kenneth O’Reilly, “Racial Matters”: The FBI’s Secret File on Black America (New York: Free Press, 1989); Philip Foner, ed., Black Panthers Speak (New York: DeCapo Press, 1995); Richard Boyer and Herbert Morais, Labor’s Untold Story (New York: United Electrical Workers, 1976); and Mari Jo Buhle, Paul Buhle, and Dan Georgakis, eds, Encyclopedia of the American Left (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992). 2. Sally Avery Bermanzohn, Survivors of the 1979 Greensboro Massacre: A Study of the Long Term Impact of Protest Movements on the Political Socialization of Radical Activists (New York: CUNY, 1994). 3. William Chafe, Civilities and Civil Rights: Greensboro, NC, and the Black Struggle for Freedom (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), pp. 178–248, discusses Nelson Johnson’s leadership role in Greensboro in the late 1960s. 4. Signe Waller, Love and Revolution: A Political Memoir (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002). 1. Growing Up 1. For a history of racial violence in the United States, see Shapiro, White Violence and Black Response. For an analysis of racial violence in the South, 1940s–1960s, see Sally A. Bermanzohn, “Violence, Nonviolence, and the Civil Rights Movement,” in Kent Worcester, Sally Bermanzohn, and Mark Ungar, eds., Violence and Politics: Globalization’s Paradox (New York: Routlege, 2002). 2. The Sixties 1. On the Woolworth’s sit-in, see Chafe, Civilities and Civil Rights, pp. 71–101. North Carolina A&T was founded in 1891 as a coeducational liberal arts land-grant college for black students and became part of the North Carolina university system in 1972. 2. See Michael Krenn, ed., The African American Voice in U.S. Foreign Policy since World War II (New York: Garland, 1998). 3. The Supreme Court in 1954 found in Brown v. Board of Education that segregated [374] Through Survivors’ Eyes schools violated the U.S. Constitution. The decision overturned the Supreme Court doctrine of “separate but equal” (Plessy v. Ferguson, 1898) and spurred the development of the civil rights movement and the push for integration. But many African Americans, like Nelson’s cousin, questioned whether integration should be the goal of the movement. On the debate over tactics, see Bermanzohn, “Violence, Nonviolence ,” pp. 146–64. 4. See James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (New York: Macmillan, 1972); Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton, Black Power (New York: Vintage , 1967). 5. Chafe, Civilities and Civil Rights, p. 181. 6. On the Weathermen’s Days of Rage, see Sale, SDS, pp. 600–615. Jesse Jackson directed Operation Breadbasket, which was part of Martin Luther King Jr.’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference. For Jackson’s views, see his Straight from the Heart (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987). 7. During Reconstruction, African Americans were elected to all southern state legislatures , and fourteen were elected to Congress and two to the Senate. After Reconstruction was overthrown and white racist rule was reestablished in the South, no blacks were elected to state or federal office until the 1960s. See Edward G. Carmines and James A. Stimson, Issue Evolution: Race and the Transformation of American Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 28–29. 8. For an account of the 1968 Duke vigil, see “Remembering the Silent Vigil,” Duke Magazine, March 1998, p. 1. 9. See George Katsiaficas, The Imagination of the New Left: A Global Analysis of 1968 (Boston: South End Press, 1987). 3. Movement Peak 1. Nelson’s letter is reprinted in Chafe, Civilities and Civil Rights, p. 202. 2. For an account of the City College battle for open admission, see Karen W. Arenson, “Returning to City College to Revisit a 1969 Struggle,” New York Times, October 29, 1999. 3. For the roots of SOBU/YOBU in the black-nationalist movement, see Rod Bush, We Are Not What We Seem: Black Nationalism and Class Struggle in the American Century (New York: NYU Press, 1999). SOBU is mentioned on p. 192. On the black liberation movement in the late 1960s and 1970s, see Manning Marable, Race, Reform, and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction in Black America (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1991). 4. It is unconstitutional to apply a law retroactively. This is the doctrine of ex post facto, one of the checks and balances between the judicial and legislative branches of government. 5. Paul Bermanzohn and Tim McGloin wrote an article, “Cool Hand Duke,” for a left-wing journal, HealthPac, Bulletin of the Health...

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