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199 Chapter 1 1. The Congressional Black Caucus receives full coverage in Chapter 2. 2. Stephan and Abigail Thernstrom, America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997), 286–302. Dr. Jack Kevorkian gained fame and prison time for advocating and participating in euthanasia. 3. Matthew Holden Jr., “Black Politicians in the Time of the ‘New’ Urban Politics,” Review of Black Political Economy 2 (1971): 60. 4. Charles V. Hamilton, “De-Racialization: Examination of a Political Strategy,” First World 1 (1977): 3–5. 5. Thomas E. Cavanagh, ed., Race and Political Strategy: A JCPS Roundtable (Washington , DC: Joint Center for Political Studies, 1983), vii, 2, 6, 14–15, 20, 24, 26, 28, 34, 36, 38. 6. Holden, “Black Politicians,” 60; Linda F. Williams, “Beyond the Race Issue in American Politics?,” Congress and the Presidency 21 (1994): 137; Katherine Tate, From Protest to Politics: The New Black Voters in American Elections (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 21–29; Carol M. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests: The Representation of African Americans in Congress (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 37–140. In Paul M. Sniderman and Thomas Piazza, The Scar of Race (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), race is described as “a red-flag issue” as a result of the prevalence of a white-imposed “negative characterization of blacks,” 36. Writing some four years later with Edward G. Carmines, Sniderman in Reaching beyond Race (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997) discusses how both white and black Americans had come to see race in terms of “ominous trinity”: worsening inequality, deepening white resistance to governmental solutions, and increasing belief in racial equality but not to changing public policy. In Racial Trends in America: Trends and Interpretations (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), lead author Howard Schuman on pages 315–16 discusses why Colin Powell “appeared attractive as a presidential candidate to many white Americans.” The conclusion is that “he did not ever suggest that he represented or would represent blacks as a collective political force.” In another study, the Thernstroms have indirectly advised black office seekers through a collection of essays from like-minded scholars about the goodwill that awaits them if only they would understand what whites do not want to hear; see their edited Beyond the Color Line: New Perspectives on Race and Ethnicity in America (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 2002); Wilbur C. Rich, “From Muskogee to Morningside Heights: Political Scientist Charles V. Hamilton.” www.columbia.edu/cu/alumni/Magazine/ Spring2004/hamilton.html. Notes 200 Notes 7. William Julius Wilson, “Race—Neutral Programs and the Democratic Coalition,” American Prospect 1 (1990): 74–81; essays gathered from Georgia A. Persons, ed., Dilemmas of Black Politics: Issues of Leadership and Strategy (New York: Harper Collins, 1993) include: Persons, “Introduction,” 2–4 and her “Black Mayoralties and the New Black Politics: From Insurgency to Racial Reconciliation,” 38, 45, 61, 63; Joseph P. McCormick II and Charles E. Jones, “The Conceptualization of Deracialization: Thinking Through the Dilemma,” 68, 70–71, 76, 78–79. 8. Jane J. Mansbridge, “Should Blacks Represent Blacks and Women Represent Women?: A Contingent ‘Yes,’” Journal of Politics 61 (1999): 629–31. 9. Zoltan L. Hajnal, “White Residents, Black Incumbents, and a Declining Racial Divide,” American Political Science Review 95 (2001): 603–17. Bernard Grofman, Lisa Handley, and Richard G. Niemi share Hajnal’s conclusion that an opportunity to hold office gives black elected officials a basis for building a positive “reputation that will earn them considerable crossover support.” See their Minority Representation and the Quest for Voting Equality (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 136. 10. Carol K. Sigelman et al. “Black Candidates, White Voters: Understanding Racial Bias in Political Perceptions,” American Journal of Political Science 39 (1995): 245, 263. 11. Ronald Walters, “Two Political Traditions; Black Politics in the 1990s,” National Political Science Review 3 (1992): 203. 12. Ibid., 198–208; Nayda Terkildsen, “When White Voters Evaluate Black Candidates: The Processing Implications of Candidate Skin Color, Prejudice, and Self-Monitoring,” American Journal of Political Science 37 (1993): 1048; Pamela Johnston Conover and Stanley Feldman, “Candidate Perception in an Ambiguous World: Campaigns, Cues, and Inference Processes,” American Journal of Political Science 33 (1989): 937. 13. Andrew Hacker, Two Nations: Black, White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal (New York: Ballantine Books, 1995), 201–13. See also, Richard L. Engstrom, “The Political Thicket, Electoral Reform, and Minority Voting Rights,” in Mark E. Rush and Richard L. Engstrom, eds., Fair and Effective Representation?: Debating Electoral Reform and Minority...

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