Fields of the Lord: Animism, Christian Minorities, and State Development in Indonesia

Notes

1. Before and After Religion 1. The “estranged ethnic group” label (suku terasing) is applied more often to highland Central Sulawesi groups such as the Da’a, Wana, and Lauje. For more background on the Da’a people, see Acciaioli (1985) and Barr (1988). On the Wana people, see Atkinson (1979, 1983, 1989, 1990). On the Lauje people, see Nourse (1984, 1989, 1999) and Li (1998). 2. Headhunting occurred in precolonial Central Sulawesi, as in many other regions of Southeast Asia, as a form of ritualized warfare and violence. Yet headhunting’s former reality as an occasional method of attack is not an accurate measure of violence among contemporary Tobaku or other highland people who, as individuals as well as societies, are far less violent in either deed or imagery than most in the United States and other large states. Nevertheless, contemporary echoes and images of headhunting do exist and have prompted some insightful anthropological scholarship concerning contemporary Indonesian politics as well as historical regional tensions—for example, George (1996); Hoskins (1987c, 1996); Schiller (1997). 3. Similar questions about the “ownership” of Western-originated doctrines or disciplines such as anthropology or feminism have been raised by Asian and other non-Anglo scholars concerned with their exclusion from the construction of principles and policy agendas. See, for example, hooks (1990); C. S. Kim (1990); and Trinh (1989). 4. I once suggested (1991/1992) that the term “syncretism” be reserved for combinations of religious ideas and practices that are not just historically disparate, but arguably disjunctive. This usage follows the Oxford English Dictionary definition of “attempted union or reconciliation of diverse or opposite tenets or practices, esp. in philosophy or religion.” Although this definition gives syncretism a crisper analytical margin, it still does not address the pervasive cultural and political forces that drive these unions, or “reconciliations.” Notes 3 2 7 2. Highland Places and Peoples 1. The Uma language is spoken all along the Lariang River. The SIL linguist Martens (1988ms) identifies four dialects of Uma: Winatu, Tole’e, Tobaku, and Kantewu/Southern. Tole’e now often is considered a derogatory term connoting “hillbillies,” so villages using this dialect usually classify themselves as Pipikoro or Tobaku instead. People in the Winatu Valley classify themselves as Tobaku, although they share certain linguistic features with both Kantewu and Kulawi. 2. I noted that the rules of land-borrowing rights are complementary to marriage rules that locate first cousins (who have closely overlapping land rights) as too close to marry and second or more distant cousins (who have less overlapping land rights) as more appropriate mates. 3. The unusual aspect of Uma terminology is that despite the lineal terms separating uncle and aunt from father and mother in the first ascending generation , this type of distinction is not maintained in the zero generation, where ablineals (in this case, cousins) are classified with colineals (in this case, siblings), provided they are consanguines. A more detailed analysis of Tobaku kinship and an Uma terminology list is provided in Aragon 1992, 80–102. 4. The value of the Indonesian rupiah was about Rp 750 per US$1 in 1986, and dropped to about Rp 1,900 per US$1 from 1987 through 1989. By comparison, during the peak Indonesian financial crisis of late 1997 and 1998, the value of the rupiah plummeted to over Rp 16,000 per US$1. 3. Precolonial Polities, Exchange, and Early Colonial Contact 1. Tobaku people are said to include descendants from the old villages of Hungku, Ntipe, Tompi, Porelea, Wilowali, and Pangana (near Koja). The longest oral genealogies that I collected from founding families in Towulu’ extended only four to seven generations back. They appear compressed and begin with an apical ancestress born in Lomo, near Siwongi, who married in Mangkau, near Towulu’. This key Tobaku ancestress, Bula Woo’ (White Hair), symbolically unites the western and eastern Uma speakers because her older brother, Wulu Wingke (Hairy Forehead), is said to have migrated east to found Kantewu. 2. By contrast, Kaudern (1941, 106–107) writes that Bolapapu Village was burned down by Lindu warriors in the 1850s. Perhaps Lindu and Tobaku warriors joined forces on the expedition, or else the village may have been burned upon more than one occasion. 3 2 8 ��� notes to pages 55–93 3. Exactly the same argument was made to me in the late 1980s by members of the New Tribes Mission working with...