Cultural Intersections in Later Chinese Buddhism

5. Imperial Engagements with Buddhist Art and Architecture: Ming Variations on an Old Theme

although constrained by imperial edicts, subject to bureaucratic controls, the target of harsh criticism from Confucian o◊cials, and in constant competition with other systems of belief, Buddhism still flourished in the Ming dynasty (1368–1644). In one form or another, the religion attracted believers from all segments of Ming society—elite and nonelite, male and female, ethnic Chinese and non-Chinese. Whatever judgments may be passed on its spirituality , doctrinal rigor, and institutional purity in comparison to the Buddhism of earlier ages, Ming Buddhism was a major social force, buoyed by imperial patronage early in the period and by both imperial patronage and a resurgence of gentry support toward the end of the dynasty.1 Buddhist art and architecture thus continued to be, as they had been for centuries, vehicles for a wide range of cultural transactions, social and political as well as spiritual and aesthetic. This essay examines a selection of such transactions involving members of the Ming imperial family and court: emperors, empresses, princes, eunuchs, and high-ranking clerics who responded directly to the throne. The Ming court pattern of engagement with Buddhism broadly resembled that of earlier dynasties. At times the imperial household vigorously patronized the religion and at times rejected it in favor of indigenous beliefs.2 Concerned about the wealth, relative independence, and local power of the Buddhist monasteries, the court early on imposed restrictions on them and created bureaucratic structures to oversee the clergy.3 Yet the emperors continued to call on Buddhist monks for ritual support of the state, protection against external enemies, and invocation of divine assistance to control the forces of nature.4 Female members of the Ming imperial family, like imperial women of the past, were often devoted patrons of the faith, two notable examples being the Empress Dowager Zhou (Shengci renshou; 1430–1504) and Empress Dowager Li (Cisheng; 1546–1614).5 And Buddhism continued to serve the ancestor cult on all levels of society, with the imperial house leading the way by sponsoring grand, merit-producing rites for the benefit of imperial ancestors and all souls. Buddhism, its institutions and personnel, also remained useful in the conduct of foreign a¤airs. The Ming court received embassies led by foreign monks and, in turn, used monks as emissaries to Buddhist lands. Along with these missions went exchanges of precious Buddhist objects.6 At home, the court—its o◊cial Confucian character notwithstanding—likewise 117 5 Imperial Engagements with Buddhist Art and Architecture: Ming Variations on an Old Theme Marsha Weidner appreciated the historically validated potential of religious institutions to function as channels of communication with the countryside. Buddhist monasteries, like the administrative bureaucracy, were spread over China’s vast terrain; but unlike the intimidating government o◊ces, with their fearsome courts of law, the monasteries were welcoming places that served a variety of public functions and were open to everyone. As public spaces and centers of education and entertainment, Buddhist monasteries might be compared to modern museums, libraries, and parks.The same was, of course, true of temples devoted to Daoism, Confucianism , and other beliefs. As multifunctional complexes, which might boast connections with the courts of a succession of dynasties, monasteries were potent institutional transmitters of imperial culture, a cornerstone of imperial power. By bestowing buildings, icons, plaques, steles, and sutras upon Buddhist monasteries, the court not only accumulated religious merit, but also linked the magnificence of the church and state, giving people remote from the capital glimpses of imperial majesty and building cultural capital on the local level. The people presumably repaid such imperial largesse with loyalty and prayers for the well-being of the nation and its rulers.7 Thus, although not partaking directly of the political power of the court, monasteries a◊rmed the court’s cultural authority. In this regard, they were especially important in border regions and at sacred sites. The means of a◊rming this cultural authority were to a large extent visual. Buddhist monasteries employed the language of Chinese imperial visual culture, with its carefully crafted architectural assertions of dominion over the five directions and the constituent elements of the universe.8 Edward Schafer’s description of the Tang capital Chang’an might apply equally well to most large urban monasteries, such as the early-Ming Chongshan Monastery in Taiyuan (fig. 5.1): It was laid out in beautiful symmetry—a model of the land of the gods...