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175 Notes INTRODUCTION 1. The characters for “celestial dog” (read as amatsukitsune in this text) are the same for tengu (NKBT 68 [Iwanami shoten, 1965], 231–232). 2. The comet, which portended social upheaval, is mentioned in “Tianwen zhi,” Hanshu Vol. 2: 325. The animal, a catlike mountain creature, appears in “Shanhai jing” (Shanhai jing jiaozhu), 53–54. 3. See “Tengu” 1986. 4. See, for example, Yanagita 1968, 1977. 5. Blacker 1975, Miyake 1978, and Miyamoto K. 1989. 6. For discussion of evil and mara in Buddhism, see Abe 1999, “Aku” 2000, Boyd 1971, and Bukkyō shisō kenkyūkai 1976. 7. Many of these definitions of universal evil come from discussions of the problem of evil and theodicy by such scholars as Max Weber 1963, Wendy Doniger O’Flaherty 1976, Gananath Obeysekere 1968, Ranjini Obeyesekere and Gananath Obeyesekere 1990, and Peter Berger 1967. I have also consulted Michael L. Peterson and Mark Larrimore’s edited volumes on the problem of evil (Larrimore 2000, Peterson 1992). 8. Not as absolute an evil as the Christian devil or Satan, demons such as tenma (heavenly ma), maō (king of ma), and akuma (evil ma) appear frequently in medieval Japanese Buddhist and secular texts as a figure that defies the Buddhist Law or brings destruction. 9. Reproductions of the Tengu zōshi I frequently consulted are in the SNEZ 27 and the ZNET 19. The text is reproduced in its entirety in SNEZ. (ZNET does not include the text for the Kōfukuji and Tōdaiji scrolls.) Illustrations from every 176 notes to pages xvii–6 scroll except the Kōfukuji and Tōdaiji are reproduced in full color in ZNET. I have therefore used SNEZ mainly to analyze the text and ZNET to examine the illustrations. 10. Imai 1985, 273–279, Kanai 1991, 311–319, Kuroda H. 1986b, 15–29. 11. Jinen Koji was a hōkasō, or itinerant monk who performed acrobatics, songs, and dances. These monks often claimed affiliation with Zen and are known to have preached Buddhist teachings. On the play Jinen Koji, see Harada 1990, Kanai 1969, 535–554, and Tokue 1968, 1971. 12. Amino, Ishii, Katsumata, Ōsumi, and Uwayokote, 1988, 22–23. 13. Fukuhara 1995; Matsuo 1988, 1995; Tsuchiya M. 1995, 2001. 14. Abe 1999, 2003; Harada 1994, 1998; Makino 2000; Misumi 2004a, 2004b, 2006, 2008a, and 2008b; Takahashi S. 1998, 2000, and 2003; and Tsuchiya T. 2005, 2006. See also Wakabayashi 1995, 2002, 2003a. In Wakabayashi 1995, I explore how the Tengu zōshi applied the definition of ma as symbolized by tengu to critique both old and new Buddhist schools. Along with Harada’s work, this article was one of the first to examine the scrolls in their historical and religious context. Wakabayashi 2002 and 2003a pose the hypothesis that the author of the scrolls may have been affiliated with Onjōji rather than Enryakuji , which is the more widely accepted theory. 15. Some of Kuroda’s major publications discussing the use of historical iconology are listed in the bibliography. For a discussion on the development of kaiga shiryōron in Japan, see Fujiwara 2004 and Kuroda H. 1995. 16. Aside from the works of Kuroda Hideo, recent publications by Gomi Fumihiko , Hotate Michihisa, and Seta Katsuya, and younger scholars such as Saitō Ken’ichi, Kuroda Satoshi, and Fujiwara Shigeo have dealt with visual materials in this manner. Other earlier works on the study of medieval Japanese society and culture through emaki include Miyamoto T. 1981, Shibusawa 1984, and Suzuki 1961. CHAPTER 1. FROM MALIGN SPIRIT TO MANIFESTATION OF MA 1. Recent innovative studies of kaii have reexamined these phenomena during the premodern period. See, for example, essays in Higashi Ajia Kaii Gakkai 2003 and Kuroda S. 2007, 169–210. 2. The Pillowbook of Seishōnagon, 253, no. 171. 3. ZNET 14: 50–51. 4. For an extensive study on Sugawara no Michizane in English, see Borgen 1994. 5. Hayami 1987, 94–107. 6. A tengu often assumed the form of a kite when he appeared before humans. 7. Genji monogatari, 420. 8. This episode takes place in the seventh year of Jōgan (865), when Sōō built a hall for the image of Fudō Myōō that he had made in the fifth year. The tale appears in a number of ōjōden from the late Heian and Kamakura: Shūi ōjōden, NST 7: 357–358, Kojidan, KT 18: 56–57, and Meishō ryakuden, GR 5: 485–488. 9. Ōkagami, NKBT 21: 54–57. This...