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225 Notes Chapter Two: Origins and Origin Myths 1. Among the more important of these studies are Cho Yŏnggyu 2008; Ch’oe Wŏnsik 1978; Kim Jong-cheol 1988; Paek Hyŏnmi 1997, 29–90; Yi Sangu 2004; Yi Sujŏng 1993; Yu Minyŏng 2000, 31–210. 2. The literature on Chinese and Japanese theater is extensive. Some useful general studies are Bowers 1952; Brandon 1993; Brandon et al. 1978; Ernst 1974 [1956]; Mackerras 1975; 1981; 1983; 1997; Ortolani 1990. 3. For general overviews of Korea’s theatrical history in English, see Pihl 1994, 15–30; Yi Tuhyŏn 1997. The Korean literature on Korean drama is vast, but two good places to start are Yi Tuhyŏn 1973 and Ch’oe Ung et al. 2004. 4. For further information on the p’algwanhoe and sandaehŭi, see Woo Ok Kim 1980, 54–92. 5. For a sophisticated analysis of the relationship between theater and ritual, see Turner 1982. 6. On p’ungmul bands in general, see Hesselink 2006; Howard 1987, 1989; Shin Yong-ha 1985a. On the chapsaek, see Hesselink 2006, 78–83; Shin Yong-ha 1985b. On the namsadang, see Sim Usŏng 1974. 7. On masked dance-dramas, see Oh Kon Cho 1988; Choe Ung et al. 2004, 1–81; Kim Uktong 1994; Van Leest 1991; Yi Tuhyŏn 1969. 8. On the puppet plays, see Oh Kon Cho 1979; Choe Ung et al. 2004, 83–120; Im Chaehae 1981; Kim Kijong 1986. 9. See, for instance, Woo Ok Kim 1980, 12–53; Pihl 1994, 8–10, 60–63; Sŏ Taesŏk 1979. On the shaman chants (muga) themselves, see Walraven 1994. 10. On the relationships between shamanistic and other folk music genres, see Song Bang-song 2000, 228–244. On the role of dance in Korean shamanism, see Kendall 1977. 11. On the historical development of p’ansori, see Kim Kee Hyung 2008; Woo Ok Kim 1980, 12–92; Chan E. Park 2003, 27–145; Pihl 1994, 27–40, 57–68; HaeKyung Um 1992, 61–100. 12. On the relationship between melodic or rhythmic mode and narrative context in p’ansori, see Lee Bo-hyung 1978; Hae-Kyung Um 1992, 117–172. 13. The conference was hosted by the European Foundation for Chinese Music Research (CHIME) and the International Institute of Asian Studies (IIAS). I am indebted to Hae-Kyung Um, then of Leiden University, for bringing it to my attention. 14. For an overview of traditional Asian theater forms and their modern derivatives , see Brandon 1993. 15. On the Parsi theater and its influence, see Cohen 2001; Gupt 2005; Hansen 1992, 79–85; 1999; 2002; Yajnik 1934, 90–98. 16. A useful study of this period in Korea’s history is Cumings 1997, 86–138. Less scholarly but more vivid descriptions of the transformation of various aspects of Korean life are found in Yi Kyu-tae 1970. 17. Tongnip sinmun (August 3, 1898) and Cheguk sinmun (March 7, 1899), reproduced in An Kwanghŭi 2001, 1: 9, 10, and translated in Chan E. Park 2003, 88. 18. Bourdaret refers to the story as Le bois sec refleuri, the title of a book containing the two stories translated into French by Hong Chongu, which had been published in Paris in 1895 (Li Ogg and Lee Pyong-geun 1986, 21). 19. The full text of Tears of Blood is reprinted in Kim Yunsik and Pak Wansŏ 1995, 11–79. 20. Contemporary sources on the theatrical production and surrounding events are examined in depth in Ch’oe Wŏnsik 1978; Kim Jong-cheol 1988; and Paek Hyŏnmi 1997, 59–82. 21. The first to suggest that these fund-raising performances were the earliest ch’anggŭk productions appears to have been Sŏng Kyŏng-rin (1980, 338). 22. For this and other events in Yi Injik’s life, see Kim Yunsik and Pak Wansŏ 1995, 553. On the introduction of Western drama to Japan, see Bowers 1952, 212– 214; Ernst 1974 [1956], 252–253; Kano 2001. 23. Taehan maeil sinbo (August 13, 1908; September 26, 1908; November 13, 1908), reproduced in An Kwanghŭi 2001, 1: 51, 54, 58. 24. From an interview in Ch’unch’u magazine, March 1941, quoted in Ch’oe Wŏnsik 1978, 304. 25. From an interview with the newspaper Chosŏn ilbo (March 29, 1939), quoted in Ch’oe Wŏnsik 1978, 303. Yi Tongbaek refers to the story by the name of its hero, The Song of...

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