The Material Culture of Death in Medieval Japan

Notes

Notes Introduction 1. See, for example, F. Max Müller, Lectures on the Science of Languages [1861] (New York: Scribner, Armstrong & Co., 1967); Edward B. Tylor, Primitive Culture [1871]; Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of Passage [1909], ed. Monika B. Vizedom and Gabrielle Caffee (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960); Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life: A Study in Religious Sociology [1912], trans. Joseph Ward Swain (London: Allen & Unwin, 1915); S. H. Hooke, ed., The Labyrinth: Further Studies in the Relation between Myth and Ritual in the Ancient World (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1935); S. H. Hooke, ed., Myth and Ritual (London: Oxford University Press, 1933); Mircea Eliade, Cosmos and History: The Myth of the Eternal Return, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Harper & Row, 1949). 2. See S. J. Tambiah, “A Performative Approach to Ritual,” Proceedings of the British Academy 65 (1979): 113–169; Catherine Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). 3. Jessica Rawson, “Ancient Chinese Ritual as Seen in the Material Records,” in State and Court Ritual in China, ed. Joseph P. McDermott (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 20–49; 23. 4. Cornelius Osgood, Ingalik Material Culture (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1940), p. 26. 5. See discussion in John Kieschnick, The Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Material Culture (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press), pp. 19–23. 6. See Hayami Akira, Kinsei nôson no rekishi jinkôgaku teki kenkyû (Tokyo: Tôyô Keizai Shinpôsha, 1973); Wakita Haruko, “Muromachi-ki no keizai hatten,” in vol. 7 of Iwanami kôza Nihon rekishi (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1976); Wakita Osamu, Kinsei hôkensei seiritsu shiron (Tokyo: Tôkyô Daigaku Shuppankai, 1977); John W. Hall, Keiji Nagahara, and Kozo Yamamura, eds., Japan before Tokugawa: Political Consolidation and Economic Growth, 1500–1650 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981). 7. For example, see Susan B. Hanley, Everyday Things in Premodern Japan: The Hidden Legacy of Material Culture (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1997). 8. Kokuhô Daigoji ten: Yama kara orita honzon, comp. Tokyo National Museum, Daigoji, Nihon Keizai Shinbun, Inc. (Tokyo: Benridô, 2001). 9. Anne Nishimura Morse and Samuel Crowell Morse, “Introduction,” in Object as Insight: Japanese Buddhist Art and Ritual (exh. cat., Katonah Museum of Art, 1996), pp. 8–11; p. 9. 10. Kawada Sadamu with Anne Nishimura Morse, “Japanese Buddhist Decorative Arts: The Formative Period 552–794,” in Object as Insight: Japanese Buddhist Art and Ritual, pp. 26–31; p. 26. 11. Michael R. Cunningham, with essays by John M. Rosenfield and Mimi Hall Yiengpruksawan, Buddhist Treasures from Nara (exh. cat., Cleveland Museum of Art, 1998). 12. Ibid., p. viii. 13. Robert H. Sharf and Elizabeth Horton Sharf, eds., Living Images: Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), p. 4. 14. More recently, Sharf called for art-historical research to address the actual function of images. See Sharf and Sharf, Living Images, p. 4. 15. Hakusôrei (Orders for burials) was formulated as part of the larger Taika Reform Code. That such an edict was thought necessary does not necessarily imply that such behaviors were widespread. The language of the early codes was often borrowed directly from Chinese legal codes. Fragments of the contents are only known today through excerpts in the Nihon shoki; J. E. Kidder, The Lucky Seventh: Early Hôryûji and Its Time (Tokyo: International Christian University/Hachiro Yuasa Memorial Museum , 1999), p. 57, 62. 16. Many of Kôtoku’s remonstrances appear to have been against Han dynasty burial practices, suggesting that they were the norm in Japan before the reform. Nihongi : Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to A.D. 697, trans. W. G. Aston (Rutland, VT, and Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1975), pt. 2, pp. 217–218. 17. Interestingly, funerary extravagance does not seem to have been regulated again in Japan until the Edo period, when the Tokugawa shoguns issued proscriptions that funerals be kept “modest.” See Andrew Bernstein, Modern Passings: Death Rites, Politics, and Social Change in Imperial Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2006), pp. 32–33. 18. Shukaku Hosshinô, Kichiji shidai, in Shinkô gunsho ruijû (zatsubu 77), ed. Hanawa Hokinoichi and Kawamata Keiichi (Tokyo: Meicho Fukyûkai, 1977–1978), pp. 684–688. 19. Reproduced in Shinkô gunsho ruijû (zatsubu 77), pp. 689–695. Kichiji means “auspicious,” which funerals are not. But, it may have been standard to give such texts an “auspicious” title as a way to write about...