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255 Orthodox Naming of the Other: A Postcolonial Approach / George E. Demacopoulos and Aristotle Papanikolaou We thank Ben Dunning and Paul Gavrilyuk for their many helpful suggestions to an earlier version of this essay. 1. As is well known, Constantinopolitan missionaries to the Balkans helped to develop and encouraged the use of Slavonic in the Balkans, whereas Frankish missionaries insisted on Latin. The debate came to a head when the Byzantine missionaries Cyril and Methodius were arrested by the Franks and sent to Rome for trial where they were ultimately vindicated. 2. So many Greek have emigrated to Australia that it is commonly believed that Melbourne has the highest Greek population of any city outside of Athens. 3. By “imagined” we do not mean that they are fictional or deliberately untrue , but that they are comprised of presumptions and assumptions that are not based upon empirical encounters with the other. 4. There is no textual evidence to indicate that Christians in the first millennium identified themselves as Eastern or Western in order to differentiate themselves from one another. It is true, of course, that in the documents surrounding the Council of Ephesus (431), the language of “Easterners” is applied to the “heretical” supporters of John of Antioch in order to differentiate their theology from that of the See of Alexandria and Rome, even though neither of the latter are ever referred to in the same documents as “Westerners.” Notes 256 N OT E S TO PAG E S 36 5. As numerous scholars have shown, the Roman Empire was not converted to Christianity overnight simply because Constantine legalized the religion. Some of the most important studies of the past generation include Ramsey McMullen’s The Christianizing of the Roman Empire (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1984), Robin Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (New York: Knopf, 1987), and Averil Cameron’s Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994). 6. Of course, the experience of Eastern Christians living under Muslim rule in these regions was decidedly different. 7. John Chrysostom’s appeal to Innocent of Rome at the time of his exile provides a famous example. 8. While it is true that Gregory’s Eastern correspondence was larger than anyone else of his day, it is also true that he has the largest surviving correspondence of anyone from the ancient world. 9. For the many problems of the Augustine-versus-the-East narrative that all too frequently haunts theological and historical scholarship, see Demacopoulos and Papanikolaou, Orthodox Readings of Augustine. 10. In particular, this was true for Basil of Caesarea and Cyril of Alexandria. 11. For this history, see the excellent work of A. Edward Sieciensky, The Filioque : History of a Doctrinal Controversy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), especially 51–71. 12. Ibid., 69. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid., 98. 15. Tia Kolbaba, Inventing Latin Heretics: Byzantines and the Filioque in the Ninth Century (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 2008). 16. In 1339, Barlaam of Calabira informed the papal court: “That which separates the Greeks from you is not so much a difference in dogma as the hatred of the Greeks for the Latins provoked by the wrongs they have suffered” (Barlaam of Calabira, MPG 151.1332. Translated by D. Geanakoplos in his Byzantine East and Latin West [New York: Barnes and Noble, 1966], 91). Concerning Barlaam’s career, see Tia Kolbaba, “Barlaam the Calabrian: Three Treatises on Papal Primacy, Introduction, Edition and Translation,” Revue des études byzantines 53 (1995): 41–115, especially 50–63. 17. Constantine Stilbes was the first to publish a series of grievances against the crusaders. Writing from exile in 1213, Stilbes produced a catalogue of criticisms , ranging from theological errors of the clergy to criminal actions by crusaders . His criticisms were comprehensible by a wide audience. Stilbes’s text is important because it serves as a point of demarcation—prior to 1213 there had been several Byzantine critiques of Latin doctrine (filioque, Papal primacy, etc.), but Stilbes’s criticisms, and many that followed, took a much more aggressive ap- [3.238.62.124] Project MUSE (2024-03-28 13:00 GMT) N OT E S TO PAG E S 68 257 proach to Roman theology and Latin abuses in the East. See Jean Darrouzès, “Le mémoire de Constantin Stilbès contre les Latins,” Revue des Études byzantines 21 (1965): 50–100. See, also, Michael Angold, “Greeks and Latins after 1204: The Perspective of...