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38 LINCOLN ON DEMOCRACY "THERE ARE FEW THINGS WHOLLY EVIL, OR WHOLLY Goon" From a Speech in the u.s. House of Representatives on Internal Improvements [JUNE 20, 1848] Continuing his defense ofinternal improvements, Lincoln used both logic and humor to deflate the argument that public projects were objectionable because they might not benefit all sections of the country equally. He claimed that such opposition represented a policy of " 'Do nothing at all, lest you do something wrong.' " At an early day of this session the president sent us what may properly be called an internal improvement veto message. The late democratic convention which sat at Baltimore, and which nominated Gen: Cass for the presidency, adopted a set of resolutions, now called the democratic platform, among which is one in these words: "That the constitution does not confer upon the general government the power to commence, and carryon a general system of internal improvements ..." The just conclusion from all this is, that if the nation refuse to make improvements, of the more general kind, because their benefits may be somewhat local, a state may, for the same reason, refuse to make an improvement of a local kind, because it's benefits may be somewhat general. A state may well say to the nation "If you will do nothing for me, I will do nothing for you." Thus it is seen, that if this argument of "inequality" is sufficient any where,-it is sufficient every where; and puts an end to improvements altogether. I hope and believe, that ifboth the nation and the states would, in good faith, in their respective spheres, do what they could in the way of improvements, what of inequality might be produced in one place, might be compensated in another, and that the sum of the whole might not be very unequal. But suppose, after all, there should be some degree of inequality. Lincoln and the American Dream, 1832-1852 39 Inequality is certainly never to be embraced for it's own sake; but is every good thing to be discarded, which may be inseparably connected with some degree of it? If so, we must discard all government. This capitol is built at the public expense, for the public benefit but does any one doubt that it is of some peculiar local advantage to the property holders, and business people ofWashington? Shall we remove it for this reason? and if so, where shall we set it down, and be free from the difficulty? To make sure of our object, shall we locate it nowhere? and have congress hereafter to hold it's sessions, as the loafer lodged "in spots about"? I make no special allusion to the present president when I say there are few stronger cases in this in this [sic] world, of "burthen to the many, and benefit to the few"-of "inequality"-than the presidency itself is by some thought to be. An honest laborer digs coal at about seventy cents a day, while the president digs abstractions at about seventy dollars a day. The coal is clearly worth more than the abstractions , and yet what a monstrous inequality in the prices! Does the president, for this reason, propose to abolish the presidency? He does not, and he ought not. The true rule, in determining to embrace, or reject any thing, is not whether it have any evil in it; but whether it have more of evil, than of good. There are few things wholly evil, or wholly good. Almost every thing, especially of governmental policy, is an inseparable compound of the two; so that our best judgment of the preponderance between them is continually demanded. On this principle the president, his friends, and the world generally, act on most subjects. Why not apply it, then, upon this question? Why, as to improvements, magnify the evil, and stoutly refuse to see any good in them ... ? ...

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