The Politics of Sexuality in Latin America: A Reader on Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Rights

Foreword

FOREWORD Lisa Baldez G  was barely conceivable thirty years ago in Latin America, but the region has since made remarkable improvements in women’s rights. Every country in the region has ratified , the United Nations’ Convention to End All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Every country has passed domestic violence legislation . Twelve Latin American countries have adopted gender quota laws that require that women make up  percent of all the candidates nominated for legislative office. These changes and others came about largely in response to women who mobilized to demand more rights amid transitions to democracy.Latin American women still have a long way to go to achieve full equality, but they have established a permanent place on the political scene. Achieving equal rights for gays, lesbians, bisexuals, and transgendered people is the next human-rights challenge for Latin America in the twenty-first century. The region has already made significant strides. In June , for example, the Organization of American States adopted a resolution condemning violence based on sexual orientation and gender identity.₁ Many, but not all, Latin American countries have one or more  organizations.² Nonetheless,the  movement in LatinAmerica is small,young, and incipient in comparison to the more established women’s movement. The magnitude of organizing within the  community, in Latin America and elsewhere, is small in comparison to women’s organizing, in part because of their respective numbers — people are a small percentage of the population, while women are half of it. Although some  organizations formed alongside feminist groups in the late s, most are newer: Comunidad Homosexual Argentina formed in , Chile’s Movimiento de Integración y Liberación Homosexual () and Nicaragua’s Puntos de Encuentro emerged in , and Colombia Diversa was created in . What other comparisons between these two movements might we draw? This volume , as a collection of writings about  politics in Latin America, provides us with an opportunity to reflect on the role that writing and academic research have played in fostering social movements. To what extent has scholarly writing served the strategic goals of these two movements? In this foreword, I examine the extent to which writing and research have contributed to the feminist movement and to the ix achievement of gender equality in Latin America, and I highlight some points of comparison with the  movement. I demonstrate some of the ways in which writing has strengthened feminism in Latin America, including creating a community of adherents, expanding awareness of key issues, and amplifying political influence. I also discuss some of the limitations associated with writing and academic research. I draw my examples primarily from Chile, the case with which I am most familiar. Writing is one of the spaces in which a movement exists. Activists do not simply write about the feminist movement; in writing, they constitute it. While writing is (usually) done in isolation, it represents an effort to create a community. The audience for what one writes can be infinite. A published work will be distributed to bookstores, libraries, and universities around the world, accessible to future generations . Writing allows activists to explain their actions to the public and establishes the movement’s foothold in the historical record. Accounts of the history of Chilean feminism typically highlight demonstrations, encuentros, and conferences, but the texts that accompanied these events were at least as important as the events themselves. The first time Chilean feminists staged a protest, in May , they distributed leaflets printed with what would become the leading slogan of feminism throughout the region: “Democracy in the country and in the home.”This slogan conveyed the central idea of feminism in Latin America: an end to authoritarian government at the national level was linked to an end to violence and gender inequality in relationships between men and women. In their second demonstration, held in August , feminist protesters carried a banner that said “Democracy Now—The Feminist Movement of Chile.” This statement explicitly linked the political struggle of the opposition with women’s struggle for equality. Writing thus defined each of these actions. The publication of newsletters and samizdat literature in the early stages of a movement creates the underground infrastructure for mobilization—particularly in a context of fear and repression. These early communiqués foster recognition among readers that they are not alone and preserve key moments for future generations. Pamphlets and newsletters allow activists to communicate with one another, to articulate their ideas and goals and foster discussion about strategies...