Christianity and Public Culture in Africa

10: The Gospel of Public Image in Ghana

204 T E N The Gospel of Public Image in Ghana m i C H A e l P e r r Y K W e K u o K Y e r e f o I S A l l that Pentecostalism has to offer a parochial religious orientation that has no effect on public culture more generally? Conflating Pentecostalism with the prosperity, or faith, gospel, Paul gifford argued in 1991 that the sociopolitical effect of that gospel and born-again fundamentalist theology was to neglect or undermine developmental pursuits.1 gifford used the term fundamentalism to describe that aspect of Christianity that had “resolutely opposed” development through its manner of “presenting faith [that was] hardly calculated to promote self-help, self-reliance, self-esteem, self-determination, responsibility, and autonomy.”2 four years later, birgit meyer pointed out that ruth marshall contradicted gifford’s view in the same issue of Review of African Political Economy by concluding that Pentecostalism in nigeria constituted “a self-conscious movement which sees itself as changing society and making history.”3 thirteen years on and Paul gifford’s stance remains essentially unchanged, although he concedes that some Pentecostal denominations engage in a modicum of development activity .4 Yet gifford’s analysis of these churches is based on a view of development that is skewed in favor of a Western enlightenment worldview. reviewing gifford’s earlier book African Christianity: Its Public Role,5 david maxwell argues that gifford might have gained more optimism about African creativity had he paid closer attention to local culture.6 Patently, development cannot be conceived in economic terms only; human development goes beyond the economic to include health, education , and spiritual dimensions. 205 the gospel of Public image in ghana through the provision of social amenities, two popular ghanaian Pentecostal churches—lighthouse Chapel international and royalhouse Chapel international—expand their religious community to engage public culture in ghana in ways that defy a simple compartmentalization of religion and socioeconomic development. Particularly significant are the efforts these two organizations are making in the field of health and orphan care as well as in the provision of education facilities. i conducted fieldwork in Accra between february and September 2007, conducting interviews and observing church members in addition to perusing media products and written documents. i have continued to follow the projects i describe here beyond the end of formal fieldwork.7 Contrary to the narrow view on development that blames developing counties for lagging behind, the World bank and the international monetary fund are as much to blame as Africans themselves for the continent’s failure. the structural-adjustment policies (SAPs) they imposed on African states in the 1980s and 1990s, in keeping with the philosophy of neoliberalism, were a mirage.8 they lowered standards of living, and, after affecting the lives of millions of people, many people tried to leave Africa but some could not.9 As a result of the SAPs,African economies have become increasingly marginalized globally, the meager incomes of the formally employed matched by state-imposed obstacles to pursue informal avenues to the production of wealth.10 for many, survival depends on immense creativity, expressed in the ghanaian idiom as “we are managing.” many ghanaians have become self-made managers of their lives in the struggle to survive the harsh economic conditions generated by the SAPs.11 Hence, rather than lift Africa out of the vicious circle into which it has been plunged, gifford’s view on development would seem to perpetuate it. if Pentecostal Christianity, as gifford describes it, de-emphasizes hard work, then it is difficult to ascertain where its adherents get the money they contribute to their churches or to buy their mercedes, bmWs, Pajeros, land Cruisers, and Patrols that gifford uses to map out their social class.12 Yet i share gifford’s unease about the image of Pentecostalism displayed by some of its adherents who spend endless hours in praying rather than working. Such practice supports gifford’s argument that allows little room for socioeconomic development within Pentecostalism. What i hope to show here, however, is that some (not all) Pentecostalcharismatic organizations have taken on new, unexpected roles in African public culture. the case material of this chapter points out how social 206 MIChAEl PERRY KwEKU OKYEREfO services are provided by lighthouse and royalhouse by means of their educational and health services, and not simply by teaching morality. these new...