James McHenry, Forgotten Federalist

NINE: “A Friendship Independent of Brotherhood”

117 Federalists had to control the new form of government to launch it on as strong a foundation as possible. Yes, the Constitution had been ratified by the requisite nine states, but Federalists now needed to incorporate everyone who might assist in starting the new national government , and some former opponents now joined. Of course, both the current Federalists and their opponents understood the importance of Maryland’s fall 1788 elections. According to the Constitution, the populace chose representatives , but the legislature chose senators, and Federalists knew that the outcome would greatly determine the partisan cast of the new federal government .1 Federalists would naturally do what they could to elect their own to both houses of Congress. Federalists and their opponents now centered their attention on this campaign. By all accounts Baltimore had the most exciting election, doubtless because McHenry and Chase opposed each other for the House of Delegates. In a number of ways this election mirrored the last with heated rhetoric, street brawls, and commandeered polls. But the election was also fierce because of the part played by mechanics and laborers. Well-organized now after years of struggle, the Association of Mechanics and Tradesmen continued to push for protective tariffs, and since Maryland had ignored their petitions, the association saw the new federal government as the means of attaining their ends. Given these circumstances, Chase had a real dilemma on his hands. It did not escape anyone’s notice that, after having won one election in Baltimore , Chase had retreated to Annapolis for the next election because of his opposition to the Constitution. How could he now hope to win Baltimore’s seat in the House of Delegates when he clearly did not reflect the city’s nine “A Friendship Independent of Brotherhood” James McHenry 118 chapter nine views? Chase could do so only by dividing the opposition, and that is what he attempted. First, he played on class antagonisms to divide the mechanics by convincing the poor among them that their wealthy brother mechanics were enemies. (Chase, it turned out, overestimated the extent of class conflict in Baltimore.) Second, Chase would attack the alliance between the mechanics and the merchants. “[B]y persuading the mechanics generally that merchants were behind their woes, Chase could draw attention away from his own anti-federalism, where he was most vulnerable.”2 Using this strategy, Chase and McMechen branded McHenry and John Coulter the “wealthy enemy of the common man,” even suggesting that affluent employers and merchants had threatened to fire any workers who voted against the Constitution. They also spread a vague rumor that a Federalist , probably McHenry, had spent enormous sums on the campaign in an effort to “buy” his way into office.3 If so, such records do not survive, but it would be no surprise to find that both sides spent what they could to get elected. McHenry and Coulter responded by listing legislative acts supported by Chase but unpopular with the “common man,” such as taxes on liquor stores and tools, the last of which made a strong impression on the mechanics . Federalists also reminded voters of Chase’s efforts to leave the “common man” behind and acquire wealth, even to the point of cornering the flour market during the Revolution.4 Yet the crux of the campaign remained the Constitution, for Chase continued to support amendments and ran on that issue. McHenry maintained that sending a delegate to amend the Constitution was analogous to being bled by a “physician who thirsted to drink their blood.”5 If anyone should amend the Constitution, he argued, it should be a Federalist. As the campaign progressed, political rhetoric became vitriolic and political rallies turned into fistfights.6 In each case, the opposition accused the Federalists of initiating the violence, which they naturally denied. But they did take obvious pleasure in publicly warning Chase to stay indoors lest the populace get ahold of him. To their credit, all of the candidates agreed upon rules for an orderly election, including polling hours and the number of official observers. The polls would also be open for two days to allow those from the farther ends of the district time to reach the voting locations. Further, “All citizens were forbidden to come to the polls or walk in the streets with weapons, sticks, colors, fifes or drums. Masters were requested to keep slaves and servants “Friendship Independent of Brotherhood...