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66 Life and Death in Teotihuacan mer 1983). Slate was the most frequent class of imported raw material, appearing in 90.9% of the samples, mostly as small flakes. Mica and shell are the next most frequent, appearing in more than half the samples . Greenstone pieces are found in 42.6% of the samples, for a total of 132 chips, which compares favorably with the 120 chips recovered from the lapidary barrio in the northeast quadrant of the city (Turner 1987), although the density in Tlajinga is lower. These pieces are difficult to identify accurately because of their size, but they definitely include small pieces of jadeite, serpentine, and malachite, all of which were imported into the city from outside the Basin of Mexico. Not only is this identification of craft specialization supported by the debitage, but also by the 45 partly finished products of shell, greenstone , and slate. Only two completely finished objects resulting from the craft production were found at Tlajinga 33, but this low number is consistent with the interpretation of lapidary and jewelry production, since finished products would have been exchanged in the market and not produced solely for compound consumption. According to a behavioral interpretation, the items left at the site should be either broken in production and of no market value, or else found in a context indicative of normal consumption patterns, as in ritual offerings, for example. Given that such materials represent valuable long-distance trade items, one would expect to find few, if any, raw materials or blanks awaiting production. The foregoing evidence argues that the economic specialization of the occupants during the construction phase was general lapidary, jewelry, and the painting of frescoes on ceramic vases. It also suggests that this was a full-time occupational specialization, although agriculture cannot be totally ruled out as part of the compound's economic activities. There is presently no evidence that even some of the occupants were engaged in agricultural activities on a full- or part-time basis. No artifacts such as basalt hoes or distinctive assemblages of tools have been found that could be linked to agriculture. The craft specialization was definitely practiced from the Late Tlamimilolpa into the Late Xolalpan or Early Metepec phases. Some debitage is found in Early Tlamimilolpa contexts, but not as much domestic and midden space has been preserved as for later phases, so the evidence is not as clear. However, it is likely that this had been the craft activity since the founding of the compound. It might be the case that the larger number of earth floors and adobe walls and the generally poor architectural construction in the southern area of the site relates mostly to the concentration and restriction of craft-production activities to this area, especially from the Late Tlamimilolpa on. The Tlajinga 33 Compound 67 During the Late Xolalpan phase the northwest and north-central areas of the site were also intensively, and apparently exclusively, used for craft specialization. The craft was ceramic production, and more specifically, the production of the specialized market ware, San Martin Orange. The Tlajinga area has been recognized as an area of specialization in the production of San Martin Orange in the form of craters and amphoras (Krotser and Rattray 1980; Krotser 1987). The fill of this area of the site contained large numbers of misfired and burned San Martin Orange sherds. There is little doubt, on the basis of excavation, that this craft activity was engaged in by the inhabitants of the site, and ceramic production probably overtook lapidary work as the main craft of the residents during the Late Xolalpan phase. An interesting and important question is why there was a shift in occupational specialization between the Late Tlamimilolpa-Early Xolalpan and the Late Xolalpan phase. Although there was not a complete change in specialization between the two periods, ceramic production was clearly added to the compound's repertoire. Ceramic production appeared during the Late Xolalpan, or perhaps the end of the Early Xolalpan, and probably became dominant, as the whole northern area of the site was given over to it. The evidence for the lapidary work at this time is found in one room and one small patio. The reason for the shift probably has to do with the appearance of the barrio organization for the San Martin production, whereas the lapidary specialization has not been identified for any neighboring compounds, although it would not be easily identified by surface indications. That is, although the...

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