In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

The following record of events, so far as they were connected with the personal experiences of the writer, does not claim completeness (even as to that experience) for, begun (as it is) on the 21st of July 1865, much that is now forgotten is necessarily omitted, and there are doubtless some inaccuracies as to dates, etc. But in reference to direct operations and positive historical statements there will be, it is con¤dently believed, few grounds for doubt in the mind of any one who may hereafter read this record. Certain it is that the aim and conscientious desire of the writer is to present a simple and truthful narrative of facts, which shall display “malice toward none, charity toward all” (Lincoln’s last message). No one single cause can satisfactorily account for the most determined , costly, exhaustive, and desolating war of modern times. It is conceded on all sides that of the three million of men called into the ¤eld by the Federal government at least ¤ve hundred thousand perished whilst the South, which had altogether perhaps one million of troops must have lost 250,000 at least by death. The war cost the Federal government about three billion dollars and the South about two billion dollars,1 one million of horses and mules in the Federal service and probably three hundred thousand by the South whilst the devastation of the Southern States by the invading armies is almost without parallel. General Sheridan , U.S.A., destroyed in a single campaign (September 1864) in the Valley of Virginia four hundred mills and two thousand large barns containing an immense supply of ®our and wheat.2 Every speaker and every writer both north and south of “Mason’s and Dixon’s Line” has his own theory of the war! Excuse me, then, generous Introduction reader, if I have mine also, and ask you to give it your consideration. It is this—there were a number of secondary or incidental causes of the War, all depending upon and springing out of one great fundamental,¤rst cause—a cause inherent in the Constitution of the United States— which grew with the growth and strengthened with the strength of the government to which the government gave birth. A zealous republicanism combined with speculative visions of universal liberty and equality produced that strange anomily in the science of government—a complex sovereignty (if I may so speak). The United States government certainly enjoys most of those supreme rights which are usually regarded as the attributes of sovereignty. Yet it is equally certain that the original thirteen States retained each of them to itself many of the necessary attributes of Sovereignty—among them the control of the question of citizenship and power over the lives of their citizens, under the laws of treason. This unfortunate cause of a diversity of opinions soon began to produce its effects. Formidable opposing parties were formed, one claiming “liberal construction” of the Constitution whereby the Sovereignty of the States would appear to have been merged in that of the General Government which would be consequently sovereign to all intents and purposes . The other a “strict construction” of the instrument, whereby the sovereignty of the States would be unimpaired and the General Government be regarded as “a mere agent of the States” with powers “limited and de¤ned.” Slavery early being abolished in the New England and Middle States, they having become in a great measure manufacturing and commercial,¤rst the former and afterwards the latter, were prompted by inclination and interest alike, to prefer “a strong central government.” Adopting “Abolition of Slavery”as the war-cry of the Consolidation party in order to win over the ignorant and fanatical masses and to conceal from the people their design of violating the Constitution and reducing the States to the condition of provinces whilst the power of the Federal government should become absolute, its authority supreme. This party eventually succeeded, not only in New England and the Middle States, but also in Western States, whose interests were in almost direct con®ict with the former, and whose people, had they been enlightened and free from fanaticism about slavery, would have been the allies and earnest supporters of the Slave States. 2 / Introduction As the encroachment of the Federal government would not operate any immediate and apparent injury to the people of the free States, they submitted to them almost without resistance. For, whilst the States’rights party of those states battled...

Share