Notes
Notes INTRODUCTION I. James Clotfelder and William R. Hamilton, "But Which Southern Strategy?" South Today, April 1971, 6; quoted in Numan Bartley, The New South, 1945-1980 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1995), 399. For more on the economic transformation ofthe South after 1945 see Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy since the Civil War (New York: Basic Books, 1986) and Gilbert C. Fite, Cotton Fields No More: Southern ABriculture, 1865-1980 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1984); David Goldfield, Promised Land: The South since 1945 (Wheeling, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, 1987), 172-79; David Goldfield, Black, White, and Southern: Race Relations and Southern Culture, 1940 to the Present (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 178-81. 2. Numan Bartley and Hugh D. Graham, Southern Politics and the Second Reconstruction (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975), 18-19, 184-90; V. O. Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1984). 3. Richard L. Ergstrom, "Black Politics and the Voting Rights Act, 1965-1982," in Contemporary Southern Politics, ed. James F. Lea (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988), 83-106; Earl Black and Merle Black, Politics and Society in the South (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987),99. 4. Ergstrom, "Black Politics"; Larry Sabato, "New South Governors and the Governorship," in Contemporary Southern Politics, 194-213; Alexander Lamis, The TwoParty South, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 4-S. 5. Sabato, "New South Governors." For more on business progressivism, see George Brown Tindall, The EmerBence if the New South, 1913-1945 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1967),224,232,368. 6. It is John Boles who asserts that the South suffered from "regional bipolar disorder," voting moderate governors into office while also supporting Richard 178 Notes to Panes 5-6 Nixon. See John B. Boles, The South throu8h Time: A History ifan American Re8ion (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1995"), 5"07-8. For other examples of the scant survey attention paid to "new South" governors, see Dewey W Grantham, The South in Modern America: A Re8ion at Odds (New York: Harper Perennial, 1994), 29193 , and Bartley, New South, 467-68; Morgan Kousser has argued that watersheds not only can be deceiving and artificial but also can skew the historical record. See J. Morgan Kousser, "Comments on Michael Perman Paper at the Southern Historical Association" (paper presented at the 66th Annual Meeting ofthe Southern Historical Association, Louisville, Kentucky, November 8-11, 2000), copy in possession of author. 7. Albert P. Brewer, interview by author, tape recording, October 15", 1997, Birmingham, Alabama, tape in possession ofauthor; AlabamaJournal, January 8, 1963; Brewer biographical information, Albert P. Brewer Papers, Box 42, Alabama Department of Archives and History, Montgomery (hereafter cited as Brewer Papers). 8. The "Wallace man" label went only so far in Brewer's case. Brewer once commented on Wallace's race baiting when he described a discussion with the former governor over a tax cut Wallace had failed to pass: "He looked at me in silence for a moment and said, 'I'll just holler nigger and everybody will forget it.' And he did. And they did. I was thirty-three years old and speaker of the house and was never so disillusioned in my life." Quote from Jack Bass and Walter De Vries, The Traniformation ifSouthern Politics (New York: Meridian, 1977), 5"8; Mont8omery Advertiser, May 7, 8, 19,1968; Birminaham Post-Herald, May 8,1968; Mobile Reaister, May 25",1968. 9. Bass and De Vries, Traniformation ifSouthern PolitiCS, 5"8; Robert Ingram, That's the Way I Saw It (Montgomery: Band E Press, 1986), 3; Brewer interview; James Glen Stovall, Patrick Cotter, and Samuel H. Fisher III, Alabama Political Almanac, 2d ed. (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1997),88-93; Lamis, Two-Party South, 76-92 . 10. In select precincts Askew, Brewer, and West polled similar numbers from the black community in the 1970 elections. In Miami and Jacksonville, Askew averaged 94 percent of the black vote. In Birmingham and Montgomery, Brewer garnered 98 and 89 percent respectively, and West won 95" percent and 94 percent in Charleston and Columbia. For each, the African American vote was crucial in the success oftheir campaigns, and in Brewer's case it made him a technical winner in the first primary, though he failed to win 5"0 percent of the vote, forcing the ill-fated runoff against Wallace. Numan Bartley and Hugh D. Graham, Southern Elections: County...
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