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Chapter 1. Introduction: Social Protest in Regional Perspective 1. The ISLA reports (see http://isla.igc.org)are derived from the daily files of the Christian Science Monitor, the Financial Times of London, the Journal of Commerce , the Los Angeles Times, the Miami Herald, the Manchester Guardian/Le Monde, the New York Times, the Washington Post, and the Wall Street Journal. This source has the advantage of not relying upon a single international newspaper. However, since this source is based on international press reports, it only captures relatively large-scale protest events that attract media attention. It thus clearly underestimates the amount of small-scale or localized protest activity. Nevertheless it is sensitive to the cyclical ebb and flow of major social protests that are most likely to affect national political dynamics. 2. A general strike is defined as any work stoppage on the part of 1,000 or more industrial or service workers that involves more than one employer and that is aimed at national-government policies or authority. This definition conforms to that used in the standard work on domestic conflict, Arthur S. Banks’s Cross-National TimeSeries Data Archive (1996). 3. Following Banks (1996), a riot is defined as any violent demonstration or clash of more than 100 citizens involving the use of physical force. Antigovernment demonstrations include any peaceful gathering by at least 100 people for the primary purpose of displaying or voicing their opposition to government policies or authority. 4. Indigenous-population size in Latin America is notoriously difficult to estimate accurately given the fluid and ambiguous nature of ethnic identities in the region (Madrid 2005) as well as the technical complexities involved (Layton and Patrinos 2006). However, the estimates provided by Deruyttere (1997) that are used here are generally considered reflective of overall indigenous-population size by country. Chapter 2. Theoretical Considerations: Explaining Protest 1. In this study, the terms protest movement and social movement are used interchangeably . A defining characteristic of social movements is their use of protests, 129 NOTES including strikes, marches, and demonstrations. Social movements are known for their noninstitutionalized nature—they are not political parties or interest groups. They are rooted in civil society, not the state. 2. Collective action repertoires are the strategies and tactics available to social actors in a given situation. The term was developed by Charles Tilly (1978) and elaborated upon by Sidney Tarrow (1994). 3. Corporatism is generally understood to mean a system of interest-group representation . Latin American countries are characterized by systems of state corporatism . Under such a system, the state uses interest-group structures to control and dominate citizen groups and the interests they are allowed to voice. Interest groups are brought into official decision-making processes as a means of gaining their compliance with the state’s policies. Chapter 3. Collective Action in the Neoliberal Era 1. This time period directly follows what is considered to be the “heyday” of structural reforms, the early 1990s, when broad measures of market liberalization were enacted throughout the region (Lora and Panizza 2003, 127). 2. The Gini coefficient, an aggregate measure that ranges from 0 (perfect equality ) to 1 (perfect inequality), is used to measure the inequality of income distribution . Countries with Gini coefficients of .5 or higher are considered highly unequal societies. With a Gini coefficient of .515 in 2007, Latin America continues to be the most inequitable region of the world. 3. The Heritage Foundation is a conservative think tank. The Foundation’s searchable database is found at http://www.heritage.org/index. The overall economicfreedom score for each country is an average of the grades assigned to ten separate components of its economic freedom. The ten components are: business freedom , trade freedom, fiscal freedom, government size, monetary freedom, investment freedom, financial freedom, property rights, freedom from corruption, and labor freedom. 4. Gonzalo de la Masa, Fundación para la Superación de la Pobreza. Author interview, Santiago, April 6, 2004. 5. Francisco Ballón, Centro de Investigación y Promoción Amazónica. Author interview, Lima, October 22, 2003. Chapter 4. Ecuador: Ethnicity and Elections 1. The Ecuadorean coast is not an indigenous stronghold. Indigenous peoples, such as the Tsachila, Chachi, and Awa peoples, make up only about 3 percent of the total rural coastal population. Coastal indigenous groups have historically been less politically active than their highland andAmazonian counterparts (Collins 2004, 39). 2. In the 1990s, the National Federation...