In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Notes Chapter 2 1. One is from the Shiprock area and the other is from Ganado. 2. According to Young, Morgan, and Midgette, the distributive plural morpheme -da may occur with a limited number of Navajo basic stem nouns (clouds, mountains, lands) but ‘‘is not synonymous with the simple plurality attaching to English nouns. Distributive plurality carries the connotation ‘each of 3+’ ’’ (1992:963). For example: k’os ‘‘cloud’’ daa k’os ‘‘clouds’’ dzi™ ‘‘mountain’’ daadzi™ ‘‘mountains’’ kéyah ‘‘land’’ kédaayah ‘‘lands’’ 3. Whether examples of English plurals actually serve as nouns (and not verbs) in Navajo is difficult to say. Whether the examples given here are not actually nominalized verbs in the minds of the speakers is equally difficult to know—it is possible that they are, since nominalized verbs in Navajo are also now being pluralized through the addition of -da. Example 4 illustrates this: deeyíjeehigíída, ‘‘the ones who are competing.’’ Nominalized verbs commonly function as noun phrases in Navajo. 4. The verb stem in this example, -jeeh, literally translates to ‘‘three or more subjects run.’’ 5. The iterative prefix na- is glossed as ‘‘usually’’ in this example and example 5 as well. 6. That child ideology should differ from that of adults within a speech community should not surprise us, given that there is a substantial literature on the development of social identity, especially among ethnic minority groups in this country (Atkinson, Morton, and Sue 1983; Cross 1978; Phinney 1989), which suggests that negative attitudes toward one’s own group are typical of the first stage of children’s identity development. 7. However, there has been at least one example of Navajo morphology added to an English verb in Navajo child language. There are probably more, although to my knowledge they have not been published, and I doubt that there are very many of them. In a study of Navajo child language done at Northern Arizona University by Susan Foster-Cohen (Foster et al. 1989), they found the example nascruise, which translates to ‘‘I cruise around.’’ Thanks to an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out. Chapter 4 Author’s Note: The data analyzed here were collected while doing fieldwork supported by a National Science Foundation Pre-Doctoral Research Grant and a grant from the 300 notes UCLA Institute of American Cultures. Many thanks to Margaret Field, Paul Kroskrity, and three anonymous readers for the comments and critiques on earlier drafts of this chapter. All remaining errors are mine alone. 1. The portions of the Hopi courtroom interactions captured in the examples come from transcripts of audio recordings prepared by me and my Hopi consultants during my field visit to the Hopi reservation in 2000–2001. The audio recordings of these hearings are part of the court’s public record (in lieu of a court stenographer) and are kept on file, in both analog and digital formats, with the Hopi Tribal Court. Speakers are identified by their first name or title. Note also the following conventions using a modified system developed by Jefferson and described in Sacks, Schegloff, and Jefferson (1974). A dash indicates that speech was suddenly cut off during or after the preceding word; a question mark indicates a marked rising pitch; a period indicates marked falling pitch; brackets mark the onset of portions of utterance that are spoken in overlap with other talk, and the overlapping portions of talk are placed immediately above or below each other on the page; parentheses that enclose utterances indicate doubt about the accuracy of enclosed materials , and parentheses that enclose question marks indicate that something was said at that point but it is not clear enough to transcribe; parentheses that enclose a period indicate a pause in speech; equal signs indicate speech that is linked to subsequent talk by the same speaker but that had to be split for transcript clarity; underlining indicates speech that is the primary focus of analysis; italicized speech indicates Hopi language. Chapter 5 Authors’ Note: We want to thank all the people who helped us think through this chapter and generously contributed their valuable insights. We want to particularly acknowledge Roseann Willink, Maureen Olson, Wilhelmina Phone, Matilda Martinez, Irvin Max Phone, Sam Montoya, Catherine Vigil, Virgie Bigbee, Clara Green, and Brenda McKenna for their wisdom and for their help over the past several years. We also thank Tom McElwain for sharing the Mingo rabbit tale with us. Work with the Jicarilla Apache Nation and with Namb...

Share