Global Maya: Work and Ideology in Rural Guatemala

4. Economic Ideology in Petty Commodity Agricultural Production: Gardeners of San Pedro Almolonga

CHAP T ER 4 Economic Ideology in Petty Commodity Agricultural Production Gardeners of San Pedro Almolonga Bienvenidos a San Pedro Almolonga: La Huerta de Centroamérica (Welcome to San Pedro Almolonga: The Garden of Central America) —Road sign at the entrance to the municipality In some things they [the people from Almolonga] are more cultured [culturizados]. For me, that is the reason they act in a certain way. They already have radios. They have electricity. It is common for them to have television sets and other things. They have more money, and they can set a table with a tablecloth, and they place nice things on it. They use silverware. They use both a spoon and a fork. There is beef, good soup, and soda water on their table, if they are thirsty. Otherwise they drink atol [corn drink] or coffee, or a refreshment [fresco, flavored water]. . . . They are more communicative and talk more. They don’t have prejudices. They are liberating themselves from certain ideas, and it is their culture that makes them the way they are. Watching TV, listening to the radio, and traveling; that is what is changing them. —Market vendor of raw sugar pane, or panela In this chapter I discuss the formation of economic ideology in the context of agriculture and petty commodity agricultural production in Almolonga, department of Quetzaltenango. The case I present does not fit neatly into the category of producers of nontraditional agricultural exports (NTAE), but neither does it fit neatly into the category of traditional agricultural production.1 Almolonga is unique in that it exports vegetables to bordering countries in Central America and to Mexico. Unlike with NTAE producers, the commercialization of vegetables from 98 chapter 4 Almolonga is not conducted through foreign and local buyers, contractors, and intermediaries. There are no agro-exporting establishments purchasing and later exporting their products. Rather, it is the Almolongueños who commercialize their own products. For this reason, I differentiate the petty commodity agricultural producers of Almolonga from producers of nontraditional agricultural exports of the central highlands, which I discuss in the next chapter. Visually, there are no dramatic differences between the two areas, Almolonga is located in the department of Quetzaltenango, while the areas of export of nontraditional agricultural products discussed in chapter 5 are located in the central highlands. A variety of vegetables are grown in relatively small plots of land with good access to irrigation. Farmers are seen cleaning, applying fertilizers or pesticides to the crops, or harvesting. There are important differences in the content of chemical agricultural inputs (Almolonga is liberal about the chemicals used and not restricted by international code). But the commercialization routes and methods are very different and so are the actors who participate in these enterprises: absent are the agro-exporter company, whose experts advise farmers on all aspects of production and more or less complicated irrigation systems. Almolonga enjoys an environment rich in potassium, and access to river branches provides natural irrigation with the help of a labor-intensive system whereby people literally shovel water from manmade canals into their plots of land. The type of shovel, locally made out of wood, probably dates to precolonial times. The areas dedicated to nontraditional crops for export in the central highlands take advantage of more sophisticated, but also costly, mechanical irrigation systems. Whereas vegetables such as tomatoes, onions, and potatoes are grown in neighboring towns, Almolongueños cultivate these as well as cabbage, lettuce, beets, spinach, leaks, cucumbers, cauliflower, radishes, carrots, and broccoli. Almolongueños practice intercropping, which results in efficient use of space and reduces the time between harvests. With some exceptions, Almolongueños do not consume the vegetables they produce. In fact, until recently, they claimed that vegetables were food for animals and not for people. I became interested in this town of 14,000 mostly K’iche’ speakers because Almolonga is well known in the region and often cited as a place where people are “rich,” famous for the expensive trucks they drive, and petty commodity agricultural production 99 well known for their commercial spirit and entrepreneurial attitude. Almolongueños are said to be “intelligent for business” (inteligentes para los negocios) and “progressive.” In my early visits to the area, I wanted to know more about the people of Almolonga and what set this township apart from others that were not as economically successful. A high-ranking officer in the Guatemalan army...