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10 ELECTORAL POWER , GROU P POWER , AND DEMOCRAC Y ANDREW LEVIN E It ha s bee n suggeste d tha t th e tendenc y o f America n court s i n recent year s t o acknowledg e discriminatio n onl y i n case s wher e an inten t t o discriminat e ca n b e demonstrate d ha s exacerbate d social inequalities; and th e application o f thi s standard t o votin g rights ha s diminishe d th e electora l strengt h o f blacks. 1 I hav e no quarrel wit h thi s suggestion, thoug h I would emphasize , as a realist would , tha t th e declin e o f progressiv e socia l movement s in th e Unite d State s an d th e ris e o f th e righ t t o commandin g positions i n th e stat e apparatus , includin g it s courts, are largel y to blame . I t i s beyon d m y competenc e t o provid e arguments , grounded i n Constitutiona l doctrine , fo r redressin g thi s situa tion . I a m confiden t tha t wit h sufficien t ingenuity , compellin g legal argument s ca n b e produced , an d tha t i n th e righ t politica l conditions the y ca n prevail . I shal l therefor e leav e Constitu tional question s fo r other s t o worry over , an d addres s th e issu e of grou p right s directl y t o electoral power . I ask : Ho w d o mea sures for empowerin g racia l minorities fare fro m th e standpoin t of democrati c theory ? Th e shor t answe r i s tha t the y far e well . The longer , mor e nuance d answer , no t surprisingly, i s that i t all depends. The issu e centra l t o proposal s fo r accordin g black s (an d per - 252 ANDREW LEVIN E haps othe r disempowere d groups ) specia l electora l right s i s no t quite th e sam e a s i n affirmativ e actio n o r "revers e discrimina tion " debates. There th e crucial consideration i s justice. I n eval uating claim s fo r grou p right s t o electoral power , th e principa l concern i s democracy. T o addres s ou r question , then , i t i s well to focu s o n democrac y a s an ideal ; an d o n means , i n particula r historical circumstances, fo r implementin g democrati c values . From th e tim e th e ancien t Greek s invente d th e wor d unti l roughly tw o hundre d year s ago , "democracy " wa s universall y despised. Nowadays, it is endorsed b y everyone, from celebrant s of the American syste m of governmen t t o defenders o f popula r democracy i n th e Thir d Worl d an d Easter n bloc . Th e chang e reflects a profound transformatio n i n huma n history : th e entr y of th e demos, the (ordinary ) people , int o th e politica l arena . Bu t beyond th e recognitio n tha t th e claim of "we the people" to rul e ourselves i s legitimat e an d incontrovertible , wha t democrac y i s remains contested . Democracy i s susceptible t o man y interpretations , o f varyin g degrees o f cogenc y an d historica l legitimacy . Bu t fo r th e ter m to retai n som e connectio n wit h it s origina l meanin g an d it s historically importan t uses , it mus t i n som e wa y designate pop ular rule . Th e democrac y tha t wa s despised wa s the rul e o f th e demos. The democrac y tha t ha s come t o be universally endorse d has los t this class-based connotation . Today , a politica l commu nity i s democrati c t o th e exten t tha t it s collectiv e choice s ar e functions o f th e choice s o f it s...

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