The Tie That Binds: Identity and Political Attitudes in the Post-Civil Rights Generation

Chapter 3. The Conservatives, Part 2: The Traditional Conservatism of the South and the Struggle against Black Stereotypes

The Conservatives, Part 2 The Traditional Conservatism of the South and the Struggle against Black Stereotypes The Republican “race men” of the previous chapter are conservative and possess a strong racial group identity. As Clifford Apprey said, his conservatism and his Republicanism are “for black people.” The students in this chapter are also conservative, but their conservatism was not born of a desire for new solutions to black problems. They are not followers or supporters of Louis Farrakhan, and they do not feel that blacks necessarily have an obligation to help other blacks. Their conservatism is the result of their being born and raised in the conservative South, their religiosity, and their need to counter images of black irresponsibility and dependence. For two of the students in this chapter, upper-middle-class socioeconomic status , conservative parents, and a rejection of African-American commonality are at the root of their conservative ideology. Southerners are more conservative, and more religious, than people in other regions of the country, with rural southerners being more conservative than urban southerners. For example, while black support for busing has wavered in all regions of the country, southerners are more opposed to it than northerners (Schuman, Steeh, and Bobo ). Another illustration of such regional differences (rural and urban) among blacks is found in the historical development of the Nation of Islam. The Nation, with its fiery call for a separate black nation, never resonated with black southerners (Jaynes and Williams ). It was the northern urban black who suffered most from economic downturns, crime, and drug addiction. Founded in the s 3  by Elijah Muhammed, the Nation of Islam established fifty mosques by , only seven of which were located in the South. Blacks in the South tend not to embrace black nationalist ideology , but to identify with an assimilationist ideology instead. These assimilationist sentiments may be a legacy from the civil rights movement. Separatism may also be perceived as a cousin of segregation —a symbol of inferiority. Support for integration combined with southern religiosity is only part of the reason these students are more inclined to embrace a conservative ideology. The other part of the story may have to do with parental influence, enervated black political leadership, and a growing conservative religious movement. We know that religiosity may encourage civil organization and participation (Calhoun-Brown ; Harris ; Smith and Seltzer ).We also know that religiosity has not—at least not so far—been linked with conservatism on welfare or other economic issues. This may be changing with the post–civil rights generation. The students in this chapter give credence to the notion that religiosity encourages civic participation—they are active in political, fraternal, and service organizations as well as their churches. They are also fairly conservative on moral and cultural issues, as we would expect (Tate ). However,they are also somewhat conservative on welfare,and are not convinced that poor blacks are helped by this kind of government assistance . One explanation for their conservatism on welfare is the conservative philosophy that underpins many of the ministries in the black evangelical movement, which is gaining influence within the black community. Prominent leaders in this movement, such as T. D. Jakes of Dallas, Texas, have endorsed the predominantly white and conservative Promise Keepers, a religious organization dedicated to inspiring men to develop “Christlike masculinity” by becoming better husbands , fathers, and citizens (Biblical Discernment Ministries ). Jakes also sponsors conferences called“Manpower,”that are similar to Promise Keepers, where he advises men that meeting their family’s financial needs is part of living a disciplined Christian life (Walker ). A. R. Bernard, a prominent Church of God in Christ (COGIC)  | The Conservatives, Part  minister in New York City, preaches “discipline, self-reliance, and financial independence” to his mostly male congregation (Toler ). These developments are important in that the messages of financial independence and traditional roles for men and women are layered over messages of sexual abstinence and marital fidelity.It is easy to see the connection between these ideas and nonsupport for welfare. While the students in this chapter did not specifically refer to any of the above ministries during the interviews, this may be an area that warrants further exploration. The students interviewed in this chapter recognize racial group membership as important, but are less likely than their urban counterparts to view it as an overriding factor in their lives. Two of the students ,Curtis Foster,and Corliss Bond...