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Notes Notes to Chapter 1 1. For useful critical commentary and analysis on the use of the word latinidad, see Román and Sandoval-Sánchez, “Caught in the Web: Latinidad, AIDS, and Allegory in Kiss of the Spider Woman, the Woman, the Musical.” My own usage echoes the more “contestatory and contested” potential voiced by Aparicio and Chávez-Silverman . See specifically note 1 in the introduction to Tropicalizations: Transcultural Representations of Latinidad. 2. The term “(post)(neo)colonialism” has been selected as a claim to the simultaneity of these categories for understanding the relationships between nations and cultures in Latin America. I contend that these conditions function in unison to constitute one another. As we enter the twenty-first century, Latin America and the Caribbean are home to several U.S. and British colonies and “dependent territories,” including Puerto Rico, Bermuda, the British and U.S. Virgin Islands, Anguilla, Turks and Caicos Islands, the Cayman Islands, the Falkland Islands, and Montserrat. Martinique , Guadeloupe, and French Guiana are governed by an overseas department of France. In addition to Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands, Guam, and American Samoa, U.S. territories currently also include the Federated States of Micronesia, Marshall Islands, Midway Islands, Mariana Islands, Palau, and Wake Island. Other Latin American countries have been postcolonial since the late eighteenth century. As early as 1793, Toussaint L’Ouverture rebelled successfully against enslavement and colonial rule in Haiti. These historical complexities require reflection and continued critical analysis on the manifestations and uses of theories of postcoloniality in a historicized Latin American context. The volcanic eruptions in Montserrat also remind us that nature itself is a powerful force in the historic evolution of diverse geographies. Fuller investigation of these questions exceeds the scope of this project. For further reading on the uses and implications of postcolonial, postmodern , and poststructuralist theory in Latin America, see the essays in Yúdice et al., On Edge; Beverley et al., The Postmodernism Debate in Latin America; and the very influential work by García Canclini, Hybrid Cultures: Strategies for Entering and Leaving Modernity. 163 3. See Vizenor, Manifest Manners, and “Changing Personal Names,” in Crossbloods, for the significance of personal names and nicknames in tribal stories. For the significance of racialized location within families and social constellations, see Moraga , “La Güera,” in Loving in the War Years; Ortiz Cofer, “The Story of My Body,” in The Latin Deli; Richard Rodriguez; Moreno Vega; Cortez et al.; and numerous essays in Ramos, Compañeras; and Moraga and Anzaldúa, This Bridge. The pervasiveness of authors of color who read and write the racialized and gendered body as a critical theoretical practice in many ways precedes and informs newer manifestations of this practice in Anglo queer and feminist writings. 4. For essays that analyze the contentious relationship between race and identity in Puerto Rico, Latin America, and the Caribbean, see the spring 1996 special double issue of Centro: Journal of the Center for Puerto Rican Studies, particularly RodríguezMorazzani and Santiago-Valles. Also of exceptional interest is Adrian Burgos, Jr.’s article on Caribbean baseball players in the Negro Leagues from 1910 to 1950, in which he discusses the lived consequences of Caribbean ball players negotiating the U.S. racial order. 5. See Alarcón, “Traddutora,” for her analysis of hetero-masculinist narratives of Malinche , and McClintock for her reading of nationalism, gender, and race in South Africa. For a powerful and nuanced analysis of sexuality, citizenship, law, and postcoloniality in Trinidad and Tobago and the Bahamas, see Alexander. 6. See Halter for her analysis of how Cape Verdeans have negotiated the binary racial order in the United States. 7. These are the native language names for these territories. The Castilian names are Galicia, Cataluña, and El País Vasco. 8. Statehood received 46.5 percent; Independence 2.5 percent, ELA .1 percent, and Free Associated Republic .3 percent. The breakdown of the vote is misleading, however . The PIP splintered its vote between Independence, Free Association, and None of the Above, and some members boycotted the vote altogether. As the election drew closer, PPD supporters began advocating None of the Above as a protest vote against the PNP, which was then in control of the governor’s office and which supported the costly plebiscite in the aftermath of the devastation of Hurricane Georges. Despite a small faction that boycotted the vote altogether voter turnout was 71.1 percent. NOTES TO CHAPTER 1 164 [18.220...

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