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150 "It' s Morning in America" Mondale's ow n folk s bac k hom e wer e no t particularl y enthusiasti c sup porters .65 Although Reaga n racked up an impressive tally among regular church goers , the y tende d no t t o b e Mora l Majoritarians . Mos t wer e neithe r followers no r necessaril y admirer s o f Falwell, Criswell , an d LaHaye . Th e moral traditionalist s wh o vote d fo r Reaga n regarde d themselve s a s being in th e mainstrea m o f America n life . The y believe d i n th e separatio n o f church an d stat e an d wer e no t incline d t o impos e thei r religiou s belief s on others. However, such voters, many of whom were once reliable Democrats , concluded tha t socia l liberals desire d mor e tha n th e separation o f church an d state . Mondale' s allie s wante d t o ba n God . New Republic essayist an d Mondal e booste r Charle s Krauthamme r understoo d th e sit uation perfectly. Accordin g t o Krauthamme r ther e wa s a "secula r ten dency " in liberal politics that doomed th e Democrats to electoral defeat : The secularists are the grinches who try to steal Christmas creches. It is the ACLU that sued Pawtucket, Rhode Island, charging that the city's forty-year tradition of sponsoring a public nativity display at Christmas time violated the First Amendment prohibition agains t establishment o f religion.... But the goal of the secularists is not simply to extirpate Christian symbolism from American public life. Their nemesis is religion. Religion is to be kept private. Any public manifestation is to b e fought , fro m schoo l praye r (eve n a moment o f silence, because o f its religious connotations) t o the national motto (i n 1970 the government was sued for "In God We Trust," and won in the Supreme Court).66 Republicans could hardly be blamed fo r exploitin g the political oppor tunities presente d t o the m b y th e ACLU , NOW , NARAL , an d Ferraro . That i s not t o say , though, tha t th e Reaga n campaig n coul d hav e been a little more circumspect . Reaga n was on firm, albei t controversial, groun d when he said things like "There is no question that many well-intentioned Great Society-typ e program s contribute d t o famil y breakups, welfare de pendency , an d a large increase i n births ou t o f wedlock." Bu t when Rea gan tol d religiou s conservative s tha t i f they "sometimes go t a busy signal when the y were praying, i t was just m e i n ther e ahea d [o f them]," some might hav e though t hi m t o b e transparentl y insincere . Further , whil e Reagan migh t hav e been justified i n thinkin g tha t Go d spare d hi m fro m an assassi n i n 198 1 so tha t h e coul d d o th e Lord' s work , hi s effort s t o redeem America had been pretty minimal. 67 Ralph Reed thought tha t Reagan' s support fo r a constitutional amend ment to legalize public school prayer was nothing but a "sop" to religious conservatives. Reaga n kne w tha t th e amendmen t woul d neve r ge t ou t o f 150 "It's Morning in America" Mondale's own folks back home were not particularly enthusiastic supporters .65 Although Reagan racked up an impressive tally among regular churchgoers , they tended not to be Moral Majoritarians. Most were neither followers nor necessarily admirers of Falwell, Criswell, and LaHaye. The moral traditionalists who voted for Reagan regarded themselves as being in the mainstream of American life. They believed in the separation of church and state and were not inclined to impose their religious beliefs on others. However, such voters, many of whom were once reliable Democrats , concluded that social liberals desired more than the separation of church and state. Mondale's allies wanted to ban God. New Republic essayist and Mondale booster Charles Krauthammer understood the situation perfectly. According to Krauthammer...

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