The Turning: A History of Vietnam Veterans Against the War

Chapter 7: The Last Patrol

The Last Patrol VVAW’S evolution in 1971 was rapid, yet far-reaching. At the start of the year, a highly centralized national office oversaw virtually every protest. Local branches, scattered throughout the country, simply recruited antiwar Vietnam veterans. The opposite could be said of VVAW at the end of the year: The national office had diminished in strength, while numerous state and city chapters across the country had assumed responsibility for planning regional actions. The shift in power, it was theorized, would enhance VVAW’s numbers and prestige in communities. This transformation occurred when activists began to consider the organization ’s prospects. The activists knew the war could not last much longer, and they spoke of beginning a different, protracted struggle. Single -issue groups would not survive. Therefore, members sought to reshape VVAW into a veterans’ advocacy and anti-imperialist organization —a sort of left-wing Veterans of Foreign Wars. VVAW’s new structure would ensure its survivability amid government harassment, which escalated sharply in 1972. But decentralization had shortcomings. Local, smaller-scale demonstrations were less likely to capture the attention of national newspapers, networks, and the public. Nor did VVAWers feel comfortable resting on their laurels. Dewey Canyon III had made the desired impact, but it was old news. The public ’s consciousness had to be raised again. In Cincinnati, St. Louis, Dallas, Los Angeles, New York City, Boston, Denver, Kansas City, and Seattle, antiwar veterans continued to march, leaflet, and petition. These endeavors attracted narrow audiences. Thus, national and regional coordinators looked to the summer’s Republican National Convention as a catalyst for VVAW’s final offensive against the war in Southeast Asia. VVAW boasted more than twenty thousand members in the early months of 1972. However, apathy, poor communications, a lack of direction, and a general state of disarray hampered the organization’s effectiveness. 7 143 Local newsletters appeared sporadically. Dedicated members vanished. Chapter coordinators sent terse notes to the national office wondering what happened to the shipments of books and VVAW buttons they had ordered. The national office shot back: “No one has sent in those project reports which we requested. If you don’t tell us what is going on, how the fuck can we do our jobs?”1 Seasoned resisters knew that winters always brought a lull in activities, and they hoped 1972 would be no exception. “Spring is upon us, and a lot will be happening, . . . so please keep us informed as to your whereabouts,” advised the March issue of Philadelphia ’s VVAW newsletter.2 Many struggles simply failed to elicit headlines. Numerous antiwar veterans engaged in behind-the-scenes work not intended to generate publicity. These efforts were often aimed at improving conditions for soldiers and other veterans. In Long Beach, VVAWers spoke at high schools and volunteered two hours a day to work at the local VA hospital. Denver members tried to upgrade dishonorable discharges for antiwar GIs. In Boston and Detroit, VVAW volunteers created programs to assist recently returned veterans coping with drug abuse and “post-Vietnam syndrome.” VVAWers in Providence, Rhode Island, started a “Rehabilitation Committee ” designed to offer rap sessions, therapy, and drug addiction treatment. The Dayton chapter provided military counseling for GIs at Lockburn and Wright-Patterson Air Force bases.3 “Nobody did anything for Vietnam veterans until Vietnam Veterans Against the War came along. Nobody . There were no specific government programs until 1979. Yet we . . . started programs in 1971,” remembered Jack McCloskey.4 Organizers in other parts of the country directed their energy toward the time-consuming and thankless pursuit of freeing political prisoners. They concentrated most of their work on Billy Dean Smith, an African American army private from Watts, and Gary Lawton, an African American civil rights activist in Riverside, California. At the beginning of 1972, Smith languished in solitary confinement at Fort Ord, California. He was accused of “fragging” (assassinating with a fragmentation grenade) two lieutenants and wounding a third in Vietnam in March 1971. Evidence against Smith was flimsy, and he had been openly opposed to the war for several months before the incident. Under equally dubious circumstances , Lawton was arrested for murdering two Riverside police officers on April 2, 1971. Both men became causes célèbres among VVAWers, who thought they had been framed for their beliefs. Members in Southern California participated in defense committees, planned rallies, raised 144 | The Last Patrol money, and distributed fliers. Photographs...