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4. Japanese Childrearing and Early Socialization: Implications for Amae
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C H A P T E R 4 Japanese Childrearing and Early Socialization: Implications for Amae In all cultures, the period of early childhood is a high-water mark for dependency, when caregivers are responsible for providingsecurity , physical nurturance, and emotional comfort. Qualitative and quantitative differences in childrearing have been studied crossculturally , partly with the objective of illuminating processes connected to distinctive adult adaptations. There is a large literatureof cultural descriptions, ethnographic studies, and popular information concerning childhood socialization in Japan. These contain descriptions of actual practices as well as social-scientific and folk explanations that justify and rationalize these practices. These can be examined to address Pelzel's (1977) question about the relationships between childrearing and the prominence of amae. Some cautionary statements are in order. Cultural descriptions of childrearing and socialization seek generalizations that may suggest a monolithic standardization or even "uniqueness" (Peter Dale 1986). Unfortunately, this tendency is inherent in descriptions composed by both indigenous and outside observers. The reader should realize that generalizations about childhood socialization procedures in no way void the diversity exhibited within these normative guidelines. Regardless of cultural specificity, childrearing styles reflect the personalities and communicative patterns of particular parents, and vary according to education, economic status , and residential location. Stratification in social class is itself coordinated with differential awareness and compliance concerning 105 106 / Theoretical and Cultural Background the normative order in Japan as it is elsewhere (DeVos and Wagatsuma 1973, 391). Another problem in reviewing generalizations about cultural practices is that some behaviors and attitudes undergo change over a number of decades, reflecting differences in historical era. During the past forty-five years Japanese society has moved toward increased urbanization, diversification in education and occupation, higher consumerism, changes in women's roles, and reactions to contacts with outside cultures. Taken together, these have fostered modifications both in practice and in explanations of practice and belief. Despite these changes, certain normative and behavioral characteristics have been comparatively uniform over a longperiod of time in Japan. Prominent among these, marriage and childrearing have retained certain conservative tendencies even in the face of postwar changes in legislation, politics, income, and roles for both mothers and fathers (Smith and Schooler 1978). Marriage and Childrearing In the letters and journals of some of the earliest visitors to Japan, reports concerning social practices recorded that differences in expectation regarding gender were inculcated early in life, conspicuously reinforcing the status superiority of males (Caron and Shouten 1935 [1636], 48; Hearn 1971 [1901], 55-79, 421-23; Chamberlain 1971 [1904], 165-66). Then as now, the polite and decorousbehavior of little children was commended by missionaries and members of trading companies, who related these virtues to compassionate but firm parental discipline (Valignano 1954 [1583], as reported in Cooper 1981, 4; von Siebold 1973 [1841], 125). More recently, systematic studies have focused on childrearing practices in greater depth and precision, often examining these in the context of courtship , marriage, and relations to extended family. Courtship, Marriage, Pregnancy, and Childbirth As Long (1987) has commented, marriage remains an ascendant institution in Japan. Marriage is centrally concerned with the continuation of family lineage through procreation. This concern is accompanied by a stress on proper childrearing in order to create adaptive, disciplined, and happy youngsters capable of meeting the [44.203.219.117] Project MUSE (2024-03-28 13:51 GMT) Japanese Childrearing and Early Socialization / 107 challenges of later development and maturity. Single status not only deprives an individual of a primary adult role, but presents the risk of social isolation and insecurity in a childless old age (Lebra i984a). Fumie Kumagai (1984) reported that by age forty, 95 percent of contemporary Japanese men and women have been married. Not being married is thought of as socially peculiar—more so for women than men (Tanazaki 1957). Traditionally, courtship and marriage have been regarded as too important to pivot on the vagaries of romantic love. Although there have been significant postwar changes in courtship, formal negotiations are still preferred. Arrangements (called miai) are carried out through friendly or professional intermediaries (nakodo) who broker the process of making introductions and initiating meetings between the families. The backgrounds of both partners are usually investigated to confirm the absence of genetic, health, socioeconomic , and other factors that might affect eligibility. If arrangements proceed smoothly, the ceremony often seeks a strong patron to add further endorsement to the union. Actual romantic attachment or prior informal association may or may not be connected to these negotiations (Hendry 1981...