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Notes IntroductIon 1. As of this writing, the most recent text of The Fair Sentencing Act of 2010, which became Public Law 111-220, can be read in the final version as approved by both the Senate and the House on January 5, 2010, 111th Cong., 2d sess. 2. The Anti–Drug Abuse Act of 1986, Pub. L. No. 99-570, 100 Stat. 3207 (1986) (hereinafter 1986 Act); The Anti–Drug Abuse Act of 1988, Pub. L. No. 100-690, 102 Stat. 4181 (1988) (hereinafter 1988 Act). 3. United States Sentencing Commission (hereinafter USSC or commission), Special Report to the Congress: Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy (Washington, DC: U.S. Sentencing Commission, February 1995), http://www.ussc.gov/crack/exec.htm (accessed August 15, 2010) (hereinafter 1995 USSC Report), 123. 4. See USSC, Report to the Congress: Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy (Washington , DC: U.S. Sentencing Commission, May 2007), http://www.ussc.gov/r_congress/ cocaine2007.pdf (accessed August 15, 2010) (hereinafter 2007 USSC Report), 12. 5. In 1992, this number was 91 percent. See 2007 USSC Report, 15. For demographic trends in cocaine use, see 1995 USSC Report, 34: “The [National Household Survey on Drug Abuse] found that of those reporting cocaine use at least once in the reporting year, 75 percent were White, 15 percent Black, and 10 percent Hispanic. And of those reporting crack use at least once in the reporting year, 52 percent were White, 38 percent were Black, and 10 percent were Hispanic.” 6. Lynn d. Johnson, “Hip-Hop’s Holy Trinity,” Pop Matters, August 8, 2003, http:// www.popmatters.com/music/features/030808-50cent.shtml (accessed August 16, 2010). 7. Raymond Williams, Marxism and Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), 131. 8. Ibid., 132. 9. Ibid., 131. 10. For national homicide rates and yearly totals, see James Alan Fox and Marianne W. Zawitz, Homicide Trends in the United States (Washington, DC: Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2007). One hundred and twenty-nine per 100,000 is the rate for Precinct 41 in the South Bronx, New York, in 1991. See Andrew Karmen, New York Murder Mystery (New York: New York University Press, 2006), 71. 11. Raymond Williams, The English Novel (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 192. x Notes to the Introduction 12. Williams, Marxism and Literature, 132. 13. David Garland, The Culture of Control: Crime and Social Order in Contemporary Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 142. In phrasing his argument thus, Garland clearly differs from others who argue that crime policy is driven primarily by manipulative politicians and, instead, suggests far more collective complicity in policy measures, even while recognizing that such complicity is never complete , wholly planned, or even intentional. For a somewhat contrasting analysis, see sociologist Katherine Beckett, who argues—against what she calls the “democracy-atwork ” thesis—that “support for punitive anticrime measures has waxed and waned throughout American history, coexists with support for less punitive policies, and is only loosely related to the reported incidence of crime-related problems.” Making Crime Pay: Law and Order in Contemporary American Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 5. 14. Often influenced by the work of David Garland, a growing number of writers are analyzing the degree to which crime and punishment have come to suffuse social life generally. See, for example, Garland, Culture of Control; David Garland, Punishment and Modern Society: A Study in Social Theory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Philip Smith, Punishment and Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008); and Michelle Brown, The Culture of Punishment (New York: New York University Press, 2009). 15. Pew Center on the States, One in 100: Behind Bars in America, 2008 (Washington , DC: Pew Charitable Trusts, February 2008). 16. Pew Center on the States, One in 31: The Long Reach of American Corrections (Washington, DC: Pew Charitable Trusts, March 2009). 17. Together, offenses known to the police and unknown victimizations represent the “true” total of crime—what criminologists call the “dark figure” of crime—which is actually unknowable since the only means by which we can access it are through crimes reported to police and victimization surveys, both of which, although much improved over the years, remain, understandably, imperfect. 18. Of around fourteen million annual arrests (not including traffic violations), those for drug abuse violations are the most frequent, accounting for nearly two million. Around 80 percent of those drug arrests are for possession, rather than for sale or manufacturing. See United States...