The Political Activities of Detroit Clubwomen in the 1920s: A Challenge and a Promise

2. The Club Work of Enfranchised Women

The Club Work of Enfranchised Women 2 “Vote, Women Vote” Lillian Johnson, quoted in Victoria Wolcott, Remaking Respectability By the early 1920s many Detroit clubwomen had established patterns for their enfranchised political activities, which would continue for the rest of the decade. They used their newly acquired voting rights in combination with other political tools they had developed pre-franchise . Throughout the 1920s organized clubwomen promoted a civic agenda and tried to overcome the constraints that hindered their political effectiveness. They formulated strategies for political work that involved not only the study of contemporary political, social, and economic issues but the dissemination of information for public education . They pursued projects to educate voters and to encourage them to get involved in the political process. This agenda offended few, cost little, and suited clubwomen’s philosophy that an informed polity would make sound judgments. They were most effective when they employed their franchise in great numbers, could demonstrate that their ideas and programs would benefit the community, and maintained a unity of purpose. However, even though black and white clubwomen often embraced similar agendas, they rarely crossed racial lines. At the same time, both black and white clubwomen presumed they spoke for larger groups of women. Black clubwomen assumed their education and status put them in a position to represent all black women. White clubwomen had similar ideas but believed they spoke for all races and classes of women. By 1920 Detroit clubwomen had carved out a place for themselves in Detroit politics but strove to enlarge their political space throughout the rest of the decade. Politically active women created coalitions with organizations led by men when the two groups had common cause, and clubwomen 38 CHAPTER 2 supported male candidates who shared their philosophy and enacted legislation they supported. But white clubwomen’s views diverged from those of the men of their class from time to time, causing clubwomen to pursue their own agenda. For example, they tried to make Detroit politics more accessible to the public through an unofficial pre-primary convention and a state law for permanent voting registration . They specialized in networking among themselves and grassroots activism. Their organizational ability was respected, and white clubwomen’s counsel was often sought by city officials. But clubwomen continued to be perceived as auxiliary members of the body politic rather than full-fledged citizens. Clubwomen thus employed a variety of strategies to maximize their political strength. Detroit clubwomen, both black and white, faced the post-suffrage era with cautious optimism. When women in Michigan were on the verge of the franchise, the DFWC had organized a Legislative Committee within the federation to study national, state, and city legislation . This committee focused on child labor laws, compulsory education , and the ratification of Prohibition as well as women’s suffrage. The DFWC believed that both industrial reform and social improvements were necessary for American society to avoid being “hopelessly defeated in the competition of peace.” Therefore clubwomen would support legislators who saw the value of community life and the necessity of protecting men, women, and children from industrial economic and social evils. Women had learned from the war that a country’s most valuable assets were its people, not simply property. They now sought social welfare legislation that would eliminate the need for organized charity so that future generations would have less social conflict.1 Charity alone was futile; real reform would happen only when the causes of poverty were addressed.2 African American clubwoman Elizabeth Gulley claimed that charity would not be necessary if black women worked to ensure that children received quality education. Black clubwomen focused less on charity and more on programs pertaining to health, education, and day care.3 Detroit clubwomen were responding to the massive industrial growth of Detroit during World War I. They saw the social dislocation that accompanied it and looked to political institutions to provide solutions.4 As they looked to the state, white clubwomen professing 39 The Club Work of Enfranchised Women to represent all women rarely addressed the problems of the black community. African American women understood that the programs and policies advocated by white women usually did not include them or their community so they established programs in their own communities . In this manner, they were pursuing the policy of the NACW as it combined club work with that of civil rights.5 The franchise was another weapon Detroit...