- 17. THE ODD CANDIDATE
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- Wayne State University Press
- pp. 113-116
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CHAPTER XVII
THE ODD CANDIDATE
“The first thing you know, Jim, you will be a national character. Remember that Theodore Roosevelt started his career as police commissioner of New York City. Incidentally and confidentially, let me tell you that William Alden Smith will not be a candidate for United States Senator again two years hence. What’s the matter with Jim Couzens for his job?”1 So Milton McRae had written him in November 1916.
Couzens was skeptical then. “It is one thing to receive an appointment to a public office, and another thing to get elected. I make such a poor public showing that I doubt if I could be elected.”2 By 1918, however, on the basis of his eventful record as police commissioner, he began to believe he might be a successful candidate after all.3
In April 1918 the Detroit News reported “a real Couzens boom for the Senate” was “getting definite,” but that there was an odd fact about it. The Couzens “boom” was being openly promoted by John Gillespie, the discredited former police commissioner. The News commented: “The boys think that Mr. Couzens as a police commissioner would make a wonderful United States Senator. They have taken him to their bosoms to get him off their backs.”4
2
To Couzens patriarchal Senator Smith then gave some “candid” advice. He would make “a good senator,” but he would “find great difficulty in being nominated and elected.” For he had never done anything to get the party obligated to him. “And that was a hard handicap.”5
Deciding this was sound, Couzens withdrew his name from the senatorial race, in which the contenders by then included Commodore
Truman H. Newberry, Governor Chase S. Osborn, Editor Arthur H. Vandenberg—and Henry Ford. “I have been advised by counsel,” Couzens said, “that my continued ownership of Ford Motor Company stock disqualified me for the Senate because the Ford Company is engaged in making war materials for the government.”6 Of course, this reasoning also applied, as Couzens well knew, to Ford, though Ford ignored the thrust and became an active candidate for the senatorial nomination, not only as a Republican but also as a Democrat.
That same year, Detroit had adopted a new charter, mainly in order to get a strong chief executive—something previous charters had prevented.7 Shortly after the “strong mayor charter” was adopted, Couzens made an announcement—he would stand for mayor. His aim, he said, was to be the first of a new line of powerful mayors who would give Detroit the kind of government it needed.
3
At first his announcement provoked amusement among the political experts, even those who were friendly toward him. They said about him exactly what had been said of Hazen S. Pingree: one so lacking in political tact and diplomacy could not be elected mayor of Detroit. John Dodge assured him that he could not be “dog catcher or coroner.” E. Roy Pelletier, a former Ford Company advertising manager, laughed when Couzens asked him to handle his campaign publicity. Pelletier did not think it possible to “sell” a man so lacking in “good fellowship.”8 Mayor Marx thought “nothing was funnier,” was certain his police commissioner would make one of “the oddest” candidates in political history.9
The Detroit News said:
They say he is arrogant, bull-headed, uncompromising. They say he has no consideration for other people’s feelings. They say he would rather refuse a favor than grant one. According to their lights, they are right. Toward the special-favor seeking politicians, Mr. Couzens looks that way because he feels just that way.10
The News then suggested that Detroit ought to have precisely that kind of man as mayor.
4
He started his campaign by making a curiously candid admission. He was not a candidate by “overwhelming requests of my friends, or anything of that sort.” He was a candidate solely because he “personally” believed that he would make “a good mayor.” The new charter said the mayor was to be “the chief executive officer of the city.” He would be precisely that “without the assistance of any political boss.”
He drafted a lengthy platform, its most important plank being a statement on the old Pingree issue of municipal ownership of the streetcar system. “My plan,” he said, “will be to proceed to condemn the property of the street railway company so the city may get possession as soon as possible.”11
5
Unintentionally, the streetcar company gave him a tremendous political assist. For the D.U.R. picked just this time to raise fares on the so-called “Pingree lines” from a nickel to six cents. According to the company, wartime inflationary costs forced them to do this, and probably the increase was justified. But in a political sense, it was ill-timed—for the D.U.R.
Taking advantage of this blunder, Couzens immediately announced that he would institute court action to block the increase in fares. Then Edward T. Fitzgerald, Mayor Marx’s secretary, who was working for Couzens, came up with an even better idea. He recalled that in a similar situation in 1895, Mayor Pingree had boarded a streetcar, offered the old rate of fare, and had been thrown off the car. Detroiters had rallied to Pingree’s support.12
Fitzgerald persuaded Couzens to copy Pingree. So in the morning on August 7, 1918, three weeks before the primary, Couzens boarded a Fort Street streetcar, dropped only a nickel in the fare box and proceeded to a seat. “Just a minute!” called the conductor. “The fare is six cents.”
“I won’t pay it,” said Couzens.
“You’ll pay six cents or you will have to leave the car,” said the conductor, following the instructions issued by the corporation.
“I’ll do no such thing!” said Couzens. “I insist on my rights.”
The conductor stopped the car and announced it would not proceed unless Couzens got off. Other cars piled up behind and traffic was blocked, but Couzens refused to get off voluntarily. The conductor pushed him off while newspaper reporters and photographers stood by to record it all.13
6
The stunt was eminently successful. Indeed, it was too successful. Hundreds of other Detroiters followed his example. The streetcar company met the rebellion by stopping all cars, with the result that there was rioting all over Detroit. Of course, many citizens were outraged. And among them was John Dodge, Couzens’ successor as president of the Street Railway Commission. Dodge accused Couzens of “encouraging the thousands of Bolsheviki and Anarchists in the city.” “He ought to be put in jail!” Dodge cried.14
Although Couzens too was dismayed, he shrewdly said nothing, counting on the rioting to subside. When it did subside, most citizens decided that he had won a victory for the car riders, for the company abandoned the increase in fares.
In the primary, Couzens led all the other candidates, running ahead of Judge Connolly, who had Democratic party backing, ahead of Ex-Commissioner Gillespie of the Marx-Republican machine, and ahead of Divie B. Duffield, a respected lawyer who had drafted the new city charter.
The following November a runoff between Couzens and Connolly was held. Again he defeated Connolly, and became Detroit’s new mayor. Of considerable additional interest to him then—and of great importance to him later—was the fact that the same night’s election returns showed that Ford, running as a Democrat, in the senatorial election, had lost a bitter contest with Commodore Newberry, the Republican candidate.