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The Impact Of Dual Nationality on Political Participation
- University of Virginia Press
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The Impact Of Dual Nationality on Political Participation Bruce Cain and Brendan Doherty Global economic forces and new regional political arrangements are changing our conceptions of citizenship and nationality.1 More nations now offer opportunities for dual nationality than before. Regional agreements such as the European Union give foreign nationals employment and travel rights that were previously granted to citizens only. So-called “cosmopolitans” go so far as to tout the ideal of borderless societies and question the relevance of national identities altogether . But what are the practical effects of granting individuals multiple nationality rights? Are U.S. citizens with dual nationality, for instance, any different from other citizens in their commitment to civic duties such as voting, or in their willingness to take advantage of opportunities to contact or influence elected officials? Broadly construed, the cosmopolitan ideal envisions an everexpanding universe of citizenship rights and responsibilities. Dual nationality is merely a step along the path toward having citizenship rights in every country, or perhaps toward a world where the concept of citizenship loses all meaning. However, the expansion of these opportunities also implies greater responsibilities and costs. It takes time and effort to keep up with the issues of the day in any given country, or to secure an overseas ballot and vote.2 In short, the dream of expanding nationality potentially runs afoul of the pessimistic predictions of standard political science findings. Previous research has suggested that since political participation is costly, participation rates drop as costs increase. By implication, if dual-nationality U.S. citizens must bear greater costs of being informed and actively participating, then we should expect their participation levels in the United States to be lower than those of traditional single-nationality citizens. Hence, the basic question in this essay is whether U.S. citizens with dual nationality have similar participation rates as single-nationality 90 Bruce Cain and Brendan Doherty citizens, and if they do not, is this simply a function of different demographic profiles, or is it consistent with the pessimistic expectations of the cost model? Additionally, how does the voting behavior in the United States of immigrants who come from countries that allow dual nationality compare with that of those from countries without such provisions? In exploring these issues, we draw on data from the 1999 Washington Post/Kaiser Family Foundation/Harvard University Latino Survey that we obtained from the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research. Based on our estimations, we conclude the following. U.S. citizens born abroad in countries that allow some form of dual nationality are less likely to have ever voted in the United States than are those citizens born in countries that do not permit dual nationality. Additionally , U.S. citizens with dual nationality are less likely to register and to vote in the United States than nondual U.S. citizens who come from the same countries and were eligible to claim dual nationality but did not. Our analysis does not allow us to conclude anything with con- fidence about other forms of political participation. The differences in registration and voting rates cannot be accounted for by demographic factors alone, because the profiles of dual nationality and single-nationality U.S. citizens from countries in Latin America that allow dual nationality are quite similar. This leads us to believe that higher costs, lower perceived benefits, or weaker socialization norms may account for the difference. This raises the interesting policy question of whether granting more multiple citizenship opportunities in the future might contribute to already declining participation rates. Dual Nationality and the Theory of Participation Practical questions about dual nationality have been framed by an ongoing spirited normative debate. Scholars such as Stanley Renshon have advanced arguments against the granting of dual nationality, asserting that it causes citizens to have divided loyalties. Indeed, critics of dual nationality have long equated it with bigamy, arguing that a person could no more be faithful to two countries than he or she could be to two spouses. They decry the fact that dual nationals are subject to the laws of both countries, and could thus be obliged to serve in each country’s military. In light of the fact that approximately 85 percent of U.S. immigrants come from countries that allow some form of dual nationality and that many countries have recognized dual nationality only in recent years, opponents view dual nationality as something [44.200.169.48] Project MUSE (2024-03-29 10...