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5 The Sway of Symbolic Power I. Captains of the Ship of Progress To see it in our power to make the world happy—to teach mankind the art of being so—to exhibit, on the theatre of the universe a character hitherto unknown—and to have, as it were, a new creation entrusted to our hands, are honors that command reflection, and can neither be too highly estimated , nor too gratefully received. —Thomas Paine, America in Crisis, 1783 Before asking why the Founders did not implement the system of universalist liberty they so enthusiastically embraced in their rhetoric, we should inquire into what caused their enthusiasm in the first place. What did the challenge of devising a new, republican state as an empire of liberty mean to them? When viewed from a cultural rather than political or constitutional angle, what comes through most clearly is that they found the whole project exciting not because of its egalitarian implications, but because it bestowed new authority on them, an authority beyond anything they had experienced earlier. They had always expected to remain in power, but now their power was attached to a vision of catholic magnitude. First, they were not just the leaders of the new nation; they were the leaders of America as the avant-garde of progress for the entire world. Second, they were unlike members of governing bodies in the past; they were an emanation of a sovereign people, with a title to rule that seemed greater than any known earlier. Elite privileges hitherto presented as self-evident in a ‘‘naturally’’ unequal society were now replaced by privileges derived from being spokesmen for a society of equals, and from being shepherds of that society toward a historic advancement of its condition. It was intellectually and politically a glamorous combination. the sway of symbolic power 133 One of the central attractions of this grand vision of improvement was that it required a qualified elite to implement it. To ensure that people’s rights and happiness were founded on solid ground made it imperative that a√airs of state be directed by ‘‘the Virtuous and impartial part of Mankind.’’ ‘‘It is a great Satisfaction to me to be informed,’’ wrote Samuel Adams, ‘‘that some of the best Men in the Commonwealth are elected into the principal Departments of Government. Men . . . who by the Wisdom of their Councils and their exemplary Manners, will establish the public Liberty on the Foundation of a Rock.’’ Framing a new polity needed the best knowledge available: ‘‘The settlement of American government being as we hope for ages, or even to the end of time, we may well take time for it, use all proper means, and get all possible light.’’ It also required selfless dedication. The power of the British government was based on ‘‘the mysterious doctrine of undefinable privileges,’’ and therefore it was ‘‘a government where all authority is founded on usurpation ,’’ while in America leaders emanating from the people would be less inclined to ‘‘stretch their authority.’’∞ The rulers would now present themselves modestly, as impartial leaders available to correct the course of the political ship, if the people erred. For instance, when problems arose in the state assemblies, Madison expressed hope that if only ‘‘a few enlightened & disinterested members would step forward in each Legislature as advocates for the necessary plans’’ and counter ill-advised ‘‘popular prepossessions,’’ an outcome conducive to larger public good could be achieved. Throughout his life, Samuel Adams put faith in the curative role of his class; he fervently believed that because the principles of republicanism had been established in America ‘‘by continued e√orts of men of science and virtue, they will extend more and more till the turbulent and destructive spirit of war shall cease’’ and all people ‘‘shall eventually enjoy perfect peace and safety until time shall be no more.’’≤ Compared to earlier rationales for elite preeminence, the new design was indeed cosmic. While it partially drew on British traditions of providential destiny and exceptionalism, its grand concepts of progress through Reason were supplied by Enlightenment thought, which gave huge preferentiality to intellectual capital. ‘‘It has been the Will of Heaven,’’ observed John Adams, ‘‘that We should be thrown into Existence at a Period, when the greatest Philosophers and Lawgivers of Antiquity would have wished to have lived: a Period, when the Coincidence of Circumstances, without Example, has afforded to thirteen Colonies at once an opportunity, of beginning Govern- [18.118...

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