New Jersey Politics and Government
The Suburbs Come of Age
Publication Year: 2013
Offering a comprehensive overview of New Jersey politics and government, chapters cover the state’s political history; campaigns and elections; interest groups; the constitution; the development of government institutions; relationships with neighboring states, the federal government, and its own municipalities and counties; tax and spending policies; education; and quality of life issues.
Published by: Rutgers University Press
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Rivergate Regionals is a collection of books published by Rutgers University Press focusing on New Jersey and the surrounding area. Since its founding in 1936, Rutgers University Press has been devoted to serving the people of New Jersey and this collec-tion solidifies that tradition. The books in the Rivergate Regionals Collection explore history, politics, nature and the environment, recreation, sports, health and medicine, ...
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Like many residents of New Jersey, both authors of this book were born in New York City, but we have been privileged to be observers, participants, and analysts of New Jersey politics for all of our adult lives. Our greatest debts are to the countless members of the state’s political community who observed, participated, and analyzed along with us. Without the insights ...
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Countin’ the cars on the New Jersey Turnpike. . . . They’ve armchair travelers, These United States. Edmund Wilson Jr.— distinguished literary critic and native of Red Bank, New Jersey— contributed the essay entitled “New Jersey: The Slave of Two Cities.” He offered the following thesis: “It is precisely its suburban function which gives New Jersey such ...
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...read of its opening and closing chapters in Massachusetts and Virginia, and they tour Lexington, Concord, Philadelphia, and Yorktown. But few travel It was across New Jersey that George Washington was thrown back from New York to Pennsylvania and his army fought the battles of New Brunswick, Monmouth, and Princeton. It was in Morristown and Somer-...
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Woodrow Wilson, Frank Hague, Nucky Johnson, and Frank “Hap” Farley— symbolize the divergent strains in New Jersey’s politics in the twentieth century. The early part of the period saw the state’s first political reform movement. By the 1920s, its force was spent. An era of alternating con-flict and cooperation among dominant county Democratic and Republican ...
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...described as raging moderates. The reform- minded “amateur democrats” who blossomed in California, Illinois, and New York in the 1950s had no counterpart in New Jersey.1 Its Democrats were never prominent in the ascendant Roosevelt “liberal” wing of their party when “liberal” had a principally economic definition. Their longtime boss, Frank Hague, was ...
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...this observation almost forty years ago, he was recognizing the rise of candidate- centered, rather than party- centered, political campaigns. Histor-ically, political parties had three major functions: as a source of psychologi-cal identification for voters; as the driving force in selecting candidates and organizing political campaigns; and as structuring the operation of govern-...
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...tem convey its essential features. The myriad groups now bringing their problems to Trenton are all the more remarkable because historically there were so few. In the 1930s, Dayton McKean, a Princeton political scientist and Mercer County assemblyman, estimated there were about twenty lob-byists plying their trade at the state capitol. Most represented business and ...
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...1947— successively emphasize the three strains of American constitutional-ism identified by Daniel Elazar: communitarian, federalist and managerial.1The 1776 charter reflected early American faith in a weak executive and a strong legislature. The 1844 constitution responded haltingly to the emerg-ing needs of an industrializing society and incorporated some aspects of ...
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...ers and profiling the people New Jerseyans have chosen to lead them, this chapter will consider how recent governors have attended to their funda-mental tasks— achieving support for policy priorities and organizing their offices to seek those priorities effectively. Because the governor is so central to almost every aspect of the state’s politics and policy, there is discussion ...
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...it also barely had a functioning state legislature. Before the adoption of the 1947 constitution, the legislature’s powers far surpassed those of the gover-nor, but before 1947 there was not much any element of state government was expected to do. State representatives, for annual salaries of five hundred dollars, did the public’s business at Monday night meetings five months of ...
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...to stall a project. . . . Stalling is a piece of cake in an elec-accomplishment of New Jersey’s 1947 constitutional convention. Since then, executive agencies have grown at a pace the framers could hardly have envisioned. Bureaucracies by nature are concerned less “about the overall architecture of government” than they are with “the narrow sliver ...
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Jersey’s political institutions, but especially to the courts. The popular phrase “Jersey justice” was a pithy description of the pre- 1947 judicial system. It was a contemptuous allusion to “the most complicated scheme of courts existing in any English- speaking nation.”1 Based on a model that Britain had abandoned in the nineteenth century, an archaic structure of separate ...
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...rule is a religion in New Jersey,” and a journalist called it “as indigenous to New Jersey as the tomato, the Eastern Goldfinch and the Pine Barrens tree frog.”1 New Jersey has more local governments per square mile than any other state. Forty- sixth in size, it ranks eleventh in total number of municipalities. Their average land area is the smallest of any state; one in ...
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...citizens extended little beyond their own borders. During the American Revolution they saw Britain as their protector from New York. In the Civil War era there was sympathy for the Confederacy’s position on states’ rights. When the rest of the country was engaged in trust- busting, New Jersey was called “the traitor state” for inviting corporations in on favorable terms....
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...spent less than $3 million. The general public paid none of the state taxes of the time— on bank stock, insurance companies, railroads, corporate fran-chises, or large inheritances. Nor did they benefit directly from Trenton’s paltry services. More than half the state budget supported “charities”— aid to the blind, deaf, and mentally ill— and “corrections”— judges and ...
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...local property taxes versus broad- based state taxes; how to achieve both economic development and social justice— nowhere are these debates more prominent than in the politics of public education. The 1970s mark a major dividing line for New Jersey education policy. Before then, coali-tions of local leaders made state policy. After the 1970s, education policy ...
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...may be the test of whether the quality of life in urban and suburban Amer-ica can be preserved. Its waterways were among the first declared impure, and air pollution problems were evident by the 1950s. Traffic congestion also arrived early, for New Jersey has the most roads per square mile of any state, and two cars for every three people. However, New Jersey also his-...
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States in the twenty- first century. First, fewer Americans live in either cit-ies or rural areas. The United States is becoming “a suburban nation with an urban fringe and a rural fringe.”1 There is further development of “edge cities.” An edge city is not a suburb as usually defined. It is not simply a place where people sleep, but one where they work, create, and spend their ...
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Barbara G. Salmore has served as dean and professor of political science at Fairleigh Dickinson University-Madison and as associate dean and pro-Stephen A. Salmore was a political consultant and professor emeritus of ...
Page Count: 452
Publication Year: 2013
Edition: Fourth Edition
Series Title: Rivergate Regionals Collection