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203 NOTES CHAPTER 1 WOMEN AND CIVIL SOCIETY LEADERSHIP IN LATIN AMERICA 1. In Mapudungun, the Mapuche language, rayen voygue refers to the flower of the foye, a tree that is considered sacred to Mapuche culture. 2. The concept of the empowerment of women is complex. Similar to other concepts—civil society, citizenship, human rights—definitions often vary according to the political or economic agenda and ideology of the user. There are a number of views about what “empowerment” means, resulting in vastly diverse kinds of projects targeting women, from income-generating projects to consciousness-raising groups. These projects use various approaches, from top down to inclusive and participatory. Some researchers claim that increased income empowers women (Blumberg 1995). Although women who earn income tend to invest more of it in their households and children than men, women do not necessarily have control over their income given their subordination to fathers and husbands. Some researchers claim expanding social networks and social capital empowers women, but there is research that raises concerns about how this approach can exclude poor, marginalized women or how this approach ignores how women’s networks might be subordinate to men’s networks (Mayoux 2001). I have argued that empowerment of women must include gaining the ability to make their own life decisions—about work, child bearing, marriage and family, and community participation—but there must also be a communal aspect to empowerment in which women together come to new insights about their roles in society and demand equal participation at home and in projects, programs, and development plans (Cosgrove 2002). 3. I use Mala Htun’s definition of social movements: “sequences of collective action among social actors seeking a variety of goals” (2003, 15). 4. There are no formal statistical records that disaggregate male and female leadership of civil society organizations in the three countries under study. Nonetheless, interviews with civil society leaders and investigators show that parity almost exists in Argentina, followed by Chile, and then El Salvador. 5. See the Rettig Commission Report and Valech Commission Report prepared by multipartisan Chilean government commissions after the return to democracy for more specific information regarding human rights abuses carried out during the dictatorship (Ministerio del Interior 1991, 2004). 6. In relation to authoritarian regimes in Latin America, the verb “disappear” is used to refer to someone who has been illegally detained and then killed by government armed forces, police, and other state security forces. I quote from A Lexicon of Terror, Marguerite Feitlowitz’s extensively researched and profoundly disturbing book about the horrors and use of language during the dirty war in Argentina: “Desaparecido/a (n. Something that or someone who disappeared ). The concept of individuals made to vanish originated with the Nazis, as part of the doctrine of Night and Fog. ‘The prisoners will disappear without a trace. It will be impossible to glean any information as to where they are or what will be their fate.’ (Marshall Keitel, explaining Hitler’s decree to his subordinates .) In Argentina, the model sequence was disappearance, torture, death. ‘The first thing they told me was to forget who I was, that as of that moment I would be known only by a number, and that for me the outside world stopped there.’ (Javier Alvarez, CONADEP file no. 7332) Most desaparecidos spent day and night hooded, handcuffed, shackled, and blindfolded in a cell so cramped it was called a ‘tube.’ Some were given jobs. When their shifts were over, they were returned to their tubes where again they were hooded, cuffed, shackled, and blindfolded. Or they were sent to be tortured. Or they were murdered” (Feitlowitz 1998, 51). 7. For an excellent review of how Chilean women supported and protested Allende as well as Pinochet, see Baldez (2002) and Power (2002). 8. Few feminists provide an in-depth analysis of how shared experiences with their informants shape their own constructions of personal experience (for notable exceptions, see Abu-Lughod 2008 and Enslin 1994). Furthermore, few fieldworkers openly discuss their own accountability and responsibility vis-àvis the people they are studying (for a notable exception, see John 1988). CHAPTER 2 THE EMERGENCE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN ARGENTINA, CHILE, AND EL SALVADOR 1. For Chile, see Salazar (1992) and Bengoa (2000); for Argentina, see Molyneux (1986), Guy (1981), Carlson (1988), Lavrin (1995), and Thompson (1994); for El Salvador, see Beverly (1982), Dalton (2007), Gould and Lauria-Santiago (2004), and Ready (1994). 2. For an excellent history of contested truths told from...

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