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203 NOTES INTRODUCTION 1. I typically had access to women’s evening socializing rather than to men’s practices. 2. People who live in the department of Chalatenango call the department Chalate for short. They also self-identify as Chalatecos (males) and Chalatecas (females). 3. Documentation proving legal residency includes a social security card, valid foreign passport with visa, or U.S. Permanent Residency Card. See the Maryland Department of Transportation Motor Vehicle Administration, “Real ID Act Information,” http://mva .state.md.us/DriverServ/RealID/default.htm (accessed January 5, 2009). Throughout the United States, most states have already implemented the federal Real ID Act of 2005. New guidelines were issued by the Department of Homeland Security, in effect nationwide beginning on May 11, 2008. Maryland, however, requested and received an extension to January 1, 2010. Arguments abound across the political spectrum; the most anti-immigration, restrictionist, and right-wing conflate undocumented status with terrorism, suggesting that by not complying with this federal guideline, Maryland opens the opportunity for fraud and illicit activities. See, for example, the recent critiques by the Center for Immigration Studies, a “conservative” think tank based in Washington, D.C. (http://www.cis.org/). CHAPTER 1 ENTANGLED AFTERMATHS 1. Definitions at http://www.m-w.com/dictionary/entanglement and http://dictionary .reference.com/browse/entangle (last visited January 23, 2008). 2. Bourgois defines his theory as follows: “I proposed that violence operates though an overlapping continuum of forms. These range from the bloody guts and gore of politically directed bullets and machetes (i.e. political violence); to the words that hurt more than sticks and stones (i.e. symbolic violence); as well as to the impersonal, political economic forces that make children die of malnutrition (i.e. structural violence) and which fuel interpersonal and institutional violence (i.e. everyday violence ). My hope was to contribute, not just to a documentation of human pain and social injustice, but also to a clearer political critique of how power relations maintain inequality and (useless) social suffering under neo-liberalism” (2002, 229). 3. This source agreed to an interview if he and the organization he directs remained nameless. He maintains a “neutral” face in Chalatenango and pursues his political work in San Salvador, as required by his agency. It is precisely because he does not have a past in Chalatenango that he can do his work on coalition building in the NGO sphere. However, he is continually questioned because it is so rare to not have an ideological stance in El Salvador. 4. This section builds from leading sources on Salvadoran migration such as BakerCristales (2004), Coutin (2007), Gammage (2006), Mahler (1995), and Menjívar (2000) and the policy work of the UNDP (2005). The stages can be periodized as follows: 1920–1969, a migration into neighboring countries such as Honduras and by a more entrepreneurial class into the West Coast of the United States (see Menjívar 2000); 1970–1979; 1980–1991, a migration produced by war; 1992–present, postwar migration in the context of neoliberal democracy. 5. See Baker-Cristales (2004), Mahler (1995), and Coutin (2007), among other texts, for a comprehensive history of U.S. immigration laws that impinge on Salvadoran immigrants . Important among these are the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986; the lawsuit by solidarity movement activists that highlights the discrimination against Salvadoran applicants for political asylum during the war period; the development of temporary protected status (TPS), which creates ongoing and liminal legal status in the lives of migrants; and, finally, the Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American Relief Act (NACARA) of 1997, created to address (adjust) the ways in which U.S. foreign policy dictated immigration laws during the Cold War. 6. See Manuel Orozco, Draft, March 22, 2006, “Diasporas, Philanthropy, and Hometown Associations: the Central American Experience,” http://www.iadb.org/document.cfm?id= 812580 (accessed January 20, 2009). 7. Nugent’s work on what happens to a revolutionary community after a revolution also informs my theorizing. He explains the historical processes of community formation and suggests that Namiquipan ideology must be heard. He privileges their “alternative periodization” that challenges the centrality of the Mexican revolution and demonstrates a history of resistance to the state in their struggle for community (1993, 4, 9). 8. See Roseberry (1988, 1995) for an analysis on the historical development of this field, tracing it to Mintz’s (1973) and Wolf’s (1955) “cultural historical approach.” In peasant studies, by problematizing peasant consciousness and mobilizing, history and...

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