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102 Patriot Acts Fighting the War on Terror via the Canon Wars in Lynne Cheney’s Picture Books 4 While evangelical figures such as Tim LaHaye and movements such as the Christian Right, discussed in chapter 3, played an important role in the expansion of conservative thought and right-wing politics since the 1970s, another less publicly visible but equally powerful influence was also instrumental: the proliferation of think tanks. Public policy research institutes, or “think tanks” as they are more popularly known, are, in the words of James McGann and Erik K. Johnson, “nongovernmental and nonprofit organizations that perform research and provide advice on public policy” (11). Staff members at these organizations seek to bridge the perceived gap between the Ivory Tower and Capital Hill by providing analysis about social, economic, and political issues with the ultimate—and ideal—goal of helping elected officials make wiser, more informed decisions. Think tanks first emerged in the United States in the early 1900s—out of the philanthropic impulses of the Progressive era—but the number of these organizations, the political power that they wielded, and the ideological leaning to which they subscribed radically changed during the latter half of the twentieth century. Arising in part from the increasing fragmentation of U.S. politics during the 1970s and in part from the large-scale shift of American businesses to more conservative viewpoints, a “wide range of corporations and foundations supported a growing network of conservative think tanks and policy centers” (Himmelstein 148). In statistics as impressive as they are eye-opening, “two-thirds of all the think tanks in existence today were established after 1970 and over half were established since 1980” (McGann and Johnson 11). Donald Abelson, attaching more precise numbers to this general trend, noted how “until the outbreak of World War II, less than two dozen policy institutes existed in the United States. . . . By the end of the twentieth century, this number exceeded LYNNE CHENEY’S PICTURE BOOKS 103 sixteen hundred” (17). Perhaps it is not surprising, given that think tanks are generally founded by individuals who have amassed their wealth through capitalism, that “overwhelming majority . . . have been broadly conservative, producing work that favors limited government, free enterprise, and personal freedom” (Rich 10). In fact, after conducting a statistical analysis of public policy research institutes operating during the late 1990s, Rich estimated that conservative-leaning organizations outnumbered liberal groups by more than two to one; moreover, he continued, they outspend them at a rate that exceeds three to one (22). The size, scope, and mission statements of conservative think tanks vary widely; some institutions focus on a single policy area and have a budget of less than a hundred thousand dollars, while others operate as what Rich characterizes as “full-service” organizations that tackle a broad range of issues and enjoy a budget in the tens of millions (17). Nonetheless, think tanks share a common purpose. In activities ranging from drafting policy proposals, organizing conferences, and hosting speakers to testifying before Congress, appearing as commentators on television and radio programs, and writing newspaper, magazine , and scholarly articles, conservative think tanks work both to shape public opinion and to influence policy makers. Often, the institutes reflect the libertarian strain within conservatism. For instance, “beginning in 1977 the John M. Olin Foundation, founded by former head of the Olin Corporation, spent about $5 million a year to support ‘scholarship in the philosophy of a free society and the economics of a free market’” (Himmelstein 149). Especially since the Reagan administration, conservative think tanks have exerted tremendous influence. The success of “these institutions stems from an unavoidable weakness in all modern political systems—the constraints of time. Decision makers simply do not have the time to conduct in-depth research into all of the topics for which they must formulate and evaluate policies” (McGann and Johnson 12). Hence, they rely on the statistical information, research analysis , and ready-made legislative materials provided by think tanks. The more than one-thousand-page Mandate for Leadership: Policy Management in a Conservative Administration that the Heritage Foundation delivered to Ronald Reagan when he took office in 1981 forms a poignant example. The report, which was compiled with “the assistance of over three hundred academics, consultants, lawyers, and former government officials divided into twenty project teams,” contained more than “two thousand proposals on issues ranging from how to streamline the government bureaucracy to ways to improve U.S...

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