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222  c h a p t e r 7 Where To? Four major issues have emerged out of the discussion on madrassahs in general and particularly the South Asian madrassahs: transmission of religious knowledge to the next generation, addressing the problems of curricula, stemming the proliferation of unregulated madrassahs, and decoupling the nexus of madrassahs and militancy. These four issues dominate the madrassah scene and demand the attention of anyone interested in South Asian society. For madrassahs, the principal challenge is how to transmit religious knowledge yet remain relevant and adaptive to ongoing changes. They have a dual role to play: “the ability to accommodate curricular changes and concurrently maintain long-traditional ways of education exemplifies the dual roles of change and preservation.”1 Their success or failure depend on the ulama, the institutions themselves, and the society within which they are located. The discussions in the preceding chapters demonstrate that state and politics are central to an understanding of the nature and role of these institutions in all three countries. It is the failure of states that assists the rise of and provides an environment in which madrassahs can thrive in all three countries. If constitutions are the guide, in some form or other these states have not only failed in their primary responsibility but have also engaged in outright human rights violations by not providing adequate educational opportunities to their citizens. To date, the Bangladeshi state may claim some credit for improving this situation, but progress has been too limited to allow for any complacency and has clearly proved to be less than effective. In essence the education system in Bangladesh is still divided along class lines—the poorer you are, the less likely you are to have the opportunity to go to school or remain in school. The laudable role of nongovernmental development organizations in the education sector is also a testimony to the failure of the state and a policy of franchising responsibility. India, where the largest number of children remains where to ? 223 unschooled, reveals another disturbing dimension—the children of minority community bear the brunt of this abject failure of the state. The fragmented education system in Pakistan reflects the deep-seated division within the society . In both instances the privatization of education might have given a gloss to the education statistics, but has done little to help the poorer segments of the society. The contours and contents of madrassahs, as our discussions have demonstrated , were and still are shaped by the politics of the respective countries. This is particularly pronounced in Pakistan and Bangladesh. The Islamization drive of the military regimes of Zia ul-Huq of Pakistan (1977–1986), and Zia ur-Rahman of Bangladesh (1975–1981), carried out to legitimize their unconstitutional rule, provided impetus to the growth of madrassahs. The democratic hiatus propelled the orthodox schools of thought and Islamists to the political forefront and shaped societal norms, including socioeducational institutions like madrassahs. Once the Islamists assumed a prominent position within politics there was no attempt to reverse their position; instead all secularist parties befriended them. The alliances and coalitions with Islamist parties that emerged in the postauthoritarian era made it impossible to bring about any substantive changes. On a general note, once the deployment of religion in politics begins, politics will traverse a certain trajectory unless determined efforts are launched to change that course. In all three South Asian countries discussed in this book, this determined effort has been shown to be wanting. The national dynamics play a pivotal role, but international political dynamics loom large—this is evident directly in the case of Pakistan, and less so in the case of Bangladesh. The former is well documented in discussions on war in Afghanistan, the rise of the Taliban, and the rise of the MMA political alliance that has dominated the domestic political landscape, particularly in two provinces; but as our discussion has demonstrated, it is true of Bangladesh as well. The militant groups that have emerged since the mid-nineties have been inspired and organized by those who joined the Afghan war. The so-called the “War on Terror” helps them gain sympathy and gives them some semblance of legitimacy, which is then reproduced through various means including measures taken inside the madrassahs. This aspect has implications beyond the boundaries of South Asia. The lesson is plain: the potential impact of international dynamics cannot and should not be ignored anywhere because, however clichéed it sounds, we live in...

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