An Archaeology of Asian Transnationalism

3. Don and Lion Islands: Historical and Archaeological Perspectives

62 3 Don and Lion Islands Historical and Archaeological Perspectives Don and Lion Islands, site of the Ewen Cannery and its associated infrastructure , are located along the south (or main) arm of the Fraser River in Richmond, British Columbia. Salmon canneries were the earliest factories in the U.S. Pacific Northwest and British Columbia, and dominated the entire West Coast fishing industry in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Newell 1988). Although canneries have received only modest archaeological attention, their common practice of employing a racially segregated, multiethnic labor force presents a unique opportunity to compare two or more contemporary ethnic groups living and working in close proximity. The lack of attention may stem in part from factors Newell cites as her rationale for employing aerial photography and archival research rather than ground-based survey in studying cannery sites: Normally, one could take a conventional industrial/historical archaeological approach to dealing with this problem. But in this case, fieldwork is rather impractical. . . . On the abandoned sites, little above-ground evidence remains. Also, because many of the buildings were built over the tidal foreshore, on rocky beaches, or areas that have been largely obliterated by urban sprawl, there is little possibility of productive archaeological excavations at most of these sites. (Newell 1991: 26) Archaeological testing at the Warrendale Cannery in Oregon (Fagan 1993) and my own excavations at the Ewen Cannery, however, demonstrate that abundant subsurface material can be preserved at these sites. In fact, besides the cannery itself, I was able to identify the Chinese 63 Don and Lion Islands: Historical and Archaeological Perspectives bunkhouse and two Japanese fishing camps on Don and Lion Islands, locations which were spatially discrete from one another and from the industrial complex. Archaeological and archival data on the bunkhouse and one of the two Japanese camps constitute the basis for analyses and interpretations presented in subsequent chapters based on the approach outlined in chapter 2. Here I begin by introducing these sites and placing them in the broader context of the histories of Asian migration and the canning industry in Canada. Chinese Migration Early Chinese migration to Canada was part of a broader pattern of international labor migration from China in the mid-nineteenth century, driven in part by global capitalist expansion (P. Li 1998; McKeown 1999). Rural Chinese were often motivated to leave by population pressure, political instability, and opportunities to earn money to support their families and preserve their home communities (Hsu 2000). In Canada, Chinese first arrived in conjunction with British Columbia’s Fraser gold rush of 1858, which attracted migrants directly from China and from California , where the gold rush of 1848 had brought the first wave of Chinese to North America (P. Li 1998). Most arrivals came from a handful of rural counties in the southeastern province of Guangdong, especially Taishan, which had a long tradition of migration and exchange within Southeast Asia. This region suffered a series of natural disasters and clan wars in the last half of the nineteenth century, which led to widespread rural poverty and inspired many to migrate. By the mid-1860s, gold deposits in British Columbia were becoming depleted, and while some Chinese continued to mine independently, others sought work elsewhere. Chinese quarters emerged in many mining settlements, which served as supply centers for imported goods from China and as the focus of social life. The largest influx of Chinese into Canada—much of it organized through Chinese labor contractors—began in the early 1880s, in response to the need for cheap labor in constructing the Canadian Pacific Railway. Other Chinese worked as laborers in logging, canning, and agriculture, or operated urban laundries and restaurants. By 1891, there were approximately 9,000 Chinese in Canada and in 1901 about 17,000; by 1931 the number had jumped to more than 46,000, the vast majority in British An Archaeology of Asian Transnationalism 64 Columbia (P Li 1998: 55, 67). Most of these migrants were peasant laborers with minimal education, but there was also a small minority of merchants , farmers, and laundrymen, among others. A major urban Chinatown developed in Victoria after 1858 (Canada’s first), followed by others in Nanaimo, New Westminster, and Vancouver. These communities offered a range of ethnic goods and services, both legal and illegal, for residents and transients alike, ranging from Chinese-language newspapers to Chinese opera houses. Merchants dominated the social and economic life of...